arms-d@ucbvax.ARPA (10/16/84)
From: Moderator <ARMS-D@MIT-MC.ARPA> Arms-Discussion Digest Volume 2 : Issue 65 Today's Topics: Scientific American Starwars Critique Eavesdropping Paul Warnke talk ---------------------------------------------------------------------- Date: Sun, 14 Oct 84 14:50:38 pdt From: cgr%ucbpopuli.CC@Berkeley To: ARMS-D@MIT-MC.ARPA Subject: Scientific American Starwars Critique I would like to take issue with the style of criticism recently directed at the article by Bethe, Garwin, Gottfried, and Kendall, titled "Space-based Ballistic-Missile Defense" (SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN, vol. 251, no. 4., October 1984, pp. 39-49) by several contributors to this forum. As a reasonably intelligent citizen without specialist knowledge, I try to keep abreast of arms issues in order to make reasonably informed decisions about where my tax dollars should be spent. I have found a number of publications -- SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN, the NEW YORK TIMES, and the NEW YORK REVIEW OF BOOKS among them -- to be reasonably useful in this regard (certainly more reliable than, say, SOLDIER OF FORTUNE). While I would not claim that any of these publications are totally and completely unbiased in their coverage of events, I can say with some certainty that over the past decade I have found them a far more reliable guide to decision-making than, say, various DoD press releases. I am not qualified to critique the conclusions presented in the SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN article under discussion (although Bethe's credentials certainly seem unassailable to me). I can, however, say that the criticisms expressed in this newsgroup are rather unconvincing. Katz and Lin seem to be saying that SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN is "biased". I say, so what? The question is not whether SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN is biased, the question is whether the authors of the article in question know what they're talking about. Nattering about "bias" seems a shabby way of discrediting the article without having to confront the hard issues raised by the authors. If the critics can show that the authors' "bias" has slanted the authors' conclusions, I would like to see their (the critics') proofs (preferably with some concrete and practical alternatives). I'd also like to see some evidence as to the nature of SCIENTIFIC AMERICAN's "bias". John Hevelin ucbvax!cgr@ucbpopuli ------------------------------ Date: 15 Oct 1984 06:20-PDT Sender: GEOFF@SRI-CSL Subject: Eavesdropping. From: the tty of Geoffrey S. Goodfellow <Geoff@SRI-CSL.ARPA> To: telecom@ECLC, security-forum@UTEXAS-20, arms-d@MC n062 1528 14 Oct 84 BC-EAVESDROP High-Level Group to Combat Soviet Eavesdropping By DAVID BURNHAM c.1984 N.Y. Times News Service WASHINGTON - President Reagan, acting on on intelligence reports that Soviet eavesdropping is a serious security threat, has ordered the creation of a cabinet-level group to combat it. Reagan signed a directive three weeks ago spelling out the extent of the threat and ordering a government move to reduce the loss of government and private industry information that might help the Soviet Union or other nations. According to the unclassified version of the president's order, equipment that is used to eavesdrop on telephone conversations and other kinds of electronic messages is now widely available and ''is being used extensively by foreign nations.'' The order added that the technology ''can be employed by terrorist groups and criminal elements.'' With the widespread use of microwave towers and satellites to transmit telephone messages and other data, the messages of government, businesses and individuals have become increasingly subject to interception. Antennas in Cuba and on Soviet trawlers cruising offshore reportedly are able to identify and record much of this traffic. While the Ford and Carter administrations were concerned about the problem and ordered some changes in government practices to deal with it, Reagan's National Security Decision Directive 145 is the first public assertion by a president that international eavesdropping constitutes a threat to the United States. The president's directive was obtained after Walter G. Deeley, the National Security Agency's deputy director for communications security, disclosed in an interview that the agency hoped to equip government and industry with 500,000 special telephones. The telephones are meant to make it far more difficult for eavesdroppers to conduct electronic surveillance. Reagan said that both government and privately owned communication networks transmit large amounts of classified and unclassified information that, when put together, can reveal important secrets. ''The compromise of this information, especially to hostile intelligence services, does serious damage to the United States and its national security interests,'' Reagan's directive said. ''A comprehensive and coordinated approach must be taken to protect the government's telecommunications and automated information systems against current and anticipated threats,'' the document continued. ''This approach must include mechanisms for formulating policy, for overseeing systems security resources programs, and for coordinating and executing technical activities.'' The directive, written by the staff of the National Security Council, established the Systems Security Steering Group, made up of the secretaries of state, treasury and defense, the attorney general, the director of the Office of Management and Budget and the director of central intelligence. In addition to setting overall policies, the directive said the steering group was responsible for reviewing all communication security proposals before they were submitted ''to the Office of Management and Budget for the normal budget review process.'' The directive's explicit requirement that the budget office review and approve all electronic security programs appeared to thwart efforts by the National Security Agency, which suggested this summer that it should become the ''national focal point for communications security requirements and funding.'' The National Security Agency is the nation's largest and most secret intelligence organization. With an estimated annual budget of $4 billion, its twin missions are to collect electronic intelligence all over the world and protect the sensitive communications of the United States. It also serves as the principal adviser to the president and the National Security Council on communication security questions. Reagan's directive set up the National Telecommunications and Information Systems Security Committee, subordinate to the cabinet-level steering group. This committee has 14 members, including the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the director of the top security agency. The committee was ordered to establish two subcommittees, one focusing on telephone security and the other on computer security. In a third major assignment, Reagan authorized the security agency to serve as the ''national manager'' for telephone and computer security. In this role, the agency was authorized to conduct, approve or endorse all government research on this problem. The president's directive also orders the agency to examine government telecommunications and computer systems to determine their ''vulnerability to hostile interception and exploitation.'' The order explicitly authorized the agency to monitor ''official communications'' but added that such monitoring ''shall be conducted in strict compliance with the law, Executive Orders and applicable presidential directives.'' The presidential directive did not say the agency had the right to monitor the communications of private corporations, but guidelines under which such monitoring may be conducted were approved by Attorney General William French Smith earlier this year. nn nyt-10-14-84 1825edt *************** ------------------------------ Date: 15 October 1984 21:03-EDT From: Steven A. Swernofsky <SASW @ MIT-MC> Subject: [JW: Paul Warnke talk] To: ARMS-D @ MIT-MC Date: Mon 15 Oct 84 16:54:31-EDT From: Joseph Weizenbaum <JW%MIT-OZ@MIT-MC.ARPA> Subject: Paul Warnke talk To: Bboard@MIT-MC Paul Warnke, Chief U.S. negotiator at the SALT II talks will be interviewed by an MIT faculty panel - among them Vicky Weisskopf and Joseph Weizenbaum - after giving a talk on "Which Way to Peace". Place: 9-150 Time: 7:30 pm Date: Tuesday, October 16 This event is sponsored by: The Technology and Culture Seminar The Faculty Disarmament Group and The Student Disarmement Group. All invited, of course. ------------------------------ [End of ARMS-D Digest]