arms-d@ucbvax.ARPA (01/03/85)
From: Moderator <ARMS-D@MIT-MC.ARPA> Arms-Discussion Digest Volume 3 : Issue 1 Today's Topics: Space Weapons Question Nuclear Winter countermeasures (4 msgs) biases, references (3 msgs) economic freedom (end) ---------------------------------------------------------------------- Date: 29 Dec 84 11:38 EST From: Herb Lin <LIN@MIT-MC.ARPA> Subject: Space Weapons Question To: pur-ee!malcolm@UCB-VAX.ARPA I've heard a number of sources claim that the most likely cause of a nuclear exchange is an accident by one of the two sides. It seems to me that this first would involve only a few missiles. (Sounds an awful lot like the book Failsafe.) Wouldn't this scenario be a good reason to have a small number of space based weapons? If an accident occured then both sides would be able to try to shoot it down. As it is now we are sort of stuck. I too have hear this claim, but I don't find it credible. An accident might precipitate a nuclear exchange, but in that case it isn't a small number of weapons that you're talking about. One accidental launch (if it can be limited to one) just won't start WWIII; the worst that could happen is what Failsafe depicted - an exchange of targets). Now, what about a defense to shoot down that one stray missile? Sure, it if is for free, but more importantly, if it is not a "foot in the door" for future expansion. Policy makers worry not only about where we are now, but how now might lead to the future. If you agree that defense in a nuclear age is fundamentally mistaken, then you want to prevent feet in the door. ------------------------------ Date: Sat, 29 Dec 84 22:58:28 est From: decvax!utcs!ian@UCB-VAX.ARPA (Ian F. Darwin) To: decvax!ucbvax!arms-d@UCB-VAX.ARPA Subject: re: Active countermeasures against nuclear winter? I don't know if the technical potential (pun intended) to do as Dietz@Rutgers suggests. I suspect it probably is. What is more in question is whether there would be any sufficiently organized industrial society with all the necessary conditions to mount such a salvation effort. These would include the technical knowledge, the industrial resources, and perhaps most importantly, the will to continue operating as a society in the short term after a medium- or full-scale nuclear exchange. At that time, as in a previous time of crisis, please remember Franklin's line to the effect that we must hang together or we shall certainly hang separately. Ian Darwin | `Merely adding features does not make it easier for {ihnp4|decvax}!utcs!ian | users... -- it just makes the manual thicker.'' Toronto, Canada | -- Kernighan & Pike, bltj ------------------------------ From: KYLE.WBST@Xerox.ARPA Date: 30 Dec 84 21:12:26 EST Subject: Re: nuke winter fixes To: ARMS-D@MIT-MC.ARPA What happens to the eye sight of any survivors who happen to look up when your nukes go off? ------------------------------ Date: Mon, 31 Dec 84 08:46:10 PST From: Richard Foy <foy@AEROSPACE.ARPA> To: jig@LANL.ARPA CC: arms-d@MIT-MC.ARPA Subject: biases Your discussion with Herb Lin on biases prompts me to respond. There is a technique which I have become aware of which can help one to discover ones own biases. I find it useful but difficult to apply, even though it is simple. It is: Find at least one thing that you can agree with it something that generally opposed your viewpoint, and find at least one thing that you can disagree with in something that generally supports your viewpoint. If nothing else it is an interesting thing to do. ------------------------------ Date: Mon, 31 Dec 84 08:58:10 PST From: Richard Foy <foy@AEROSPACE.ARPA> To: katz@UCI-ICSE.ARPA Subject: references I concurr with your comments regarding references. I find the digest quite valuable in helping to understang the larger issues related to war and nuclear war in particular. Just becuase something is written in a book dosen't necessarily make it more factual that an unsupported statement by someone on this net. ------------------------------ Date: 31 Dec 84 09:42:11 PST (Mon) To: jlg@LANL.ARPA cc: arms-d@MIT-MC.ARPA, poli-sci@RUTGERS.ARPA Subject: Liberalism and Socialism (Re: Cuba, references, biases, etc.) From: Martin D. Katz <katz@UCI-ICSE.ARPA> From Jim Giles (Dec. 20) in Arms-D V2 #82, Dec. 28, 1984 (I always wondered how an educated person could develope a liberal bias in the first place. Personal and, especially, economic freedoms tend to disappear in direct proportion to the degree to which a country socializes. What is there about liberalism that people find attractive enough to uncritically embrace it?) The following is personal opinion (I assume that references are not needed): I think you may be confused by stereotypes. Those who take the Soviet side of an arms discussion are not necessarilly liberals, or socialists. In this list, people often will take the Soviet position in order to better understand the Soviet point of view -- even if they do not believe that the Soviet actions are necessarily correct. Even if people didn't take hypothetical positions, to assume that a person who justifies a Soviet action or who takes Reagan to task for his "Evil empire" phrase is a supporter of Soviet idiology is unfair. There are many reasons, other than personal bias, for supporting a particular ethical position on a particular question. Certain actions on the part of the U.S. government can be questioned on the basis of assumptions which are widely (although not universally) shared. Such unstated assumptions include: a) Direct (or at least nuclear) confrontation with the Soviet Union is not in the best interests of the U.S. b) Military strategy should avoid the loss of more friendly lives than enemy lives. c) Soviet take-over of friendly countries is greatly undesireable. On the other hand, take-over of countries which are friendly, but not directly aligned, might not be worth direct retaliation against the Soviets. The threshold is nebulous. The list goes on and on. I also wish to draw attention to your connection of "Liberal" with "Socialize." Strictly speaking, a socialist economic system is one in which the government owns all means of production and service, and in which all citizens are employed by the government. Socialism is NOT a "Liberal" goal. Rather, it is an "Egalitarian" goal. Strictly speaking, liberal means "Not restricted" (Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary), and its political meaning derives from this goal of liberty. Egalitarianism is best described by the motto "All men are created equal," and therefore supports equal opportunity (some people would say equal achievement) for everybody. A third social force involved is the concept that "Each man is responsible for the life of his neighbor," meaning that one should not let ones neighbor starve. When emergency maintenance becomes the role of the government, this becomes "Social welfare," but this should not be confused with "Socialism." Many who support one of these positions also support the others to some extent. Liberals include radical liberals (who support socialism as a mechanism to achieve social welfare, and egalitarianism). But, liberals also include libertarians (who support liberty and to some extent egalitarianism, but do not strongly support social welfare). It is my opinion that these economic positions can be distinguished from Soviet idiology. Soviet idiology may be historically based on the liberal, egalitarian, and social welfare goals of Marx and Lenin, but is strongly affected by many other factors (conservatism, personal needs and goals of leaders, preservation of position, physical security, distribution of idiology, etc.). Thus, ones support or attack of a position or action in international politics should not be confused with ones positions on national politics. Of course, people (and party platforms) may tend to form clusters of opinion (e.g., those who believe that physical take-over of the U.S. is an active objective of the Soviet Union may tend to oppose social welfare programs) -- in fact, I would think that current stereotyping tends to encourage this clustering of opinion). In summary, it is my opinion that we should try to avoid confusion of positions on the national level when discussing international issues. It might be helpful to try to identify the implicit assumptions when writing (and reading) about ideological and international issues. ------------------------------ From: Eugene Miya <eugene@AMES-NAS.ARPA> Date: 2 Jan 85 10:29 PST (Wednesday) To: arms-d@MIT-MC.ARPA Subject: Two short things To: DIETZ@RUTGERS and the rest of the net. The postings on counter measures to nuclear winter are interesting. I have forwarded them to Tom Ackerman to give to the rest of the study. Have you thought about going into the weather modification business? I wonder if the people at NCAR are reading this. Don't forget, you have to put as much energy (and probably more) to scrub atmosphere as you took to put it up there (WW III). Still it's interesting. Did anybody else see the NATO ads on Good Morning America? Another interesting phenomena of our time. --eugene miya NASA Ames Research Center ------------------------------ Date: Wed, 2 Jan 85 12:11:56 PST From: Charlie Crummer <crummer@AEROSPACE.ARPA> To: ARMS-D@MIT-MC.ARPA Subject: Arms-D V2 #82: Deitz' Tech. answer to Nuc. Winter (Flame) I am reminded of a comment made by a wag about hand-waving discussions on the renormalization of field theories: "Just because a term is infinite doesn't mean you can just throw it away!" To paraphrase this: "Just because you have an outrageously wild hypothesis, e.g. nuclear winter is really not such a big deal, doesn't mean that a lot of super high-tech words can be thrown together to support it." Any serious discussion of such a proposal as cleaning the atmosphere after a large-scale nuclear exchange should be held in the form of an exchange of papers addressing the difficult physical problems that stand in its way. None of this is a matter of opinion and must be supported, refuted, or relegated to the unknown by the careful, meticulous work of competent professionals in atmospheric physics. Please, let's keep the glib, smug high-tech palaver that is so popular lately out of these discussions. (Flame off) Solutions to the problem of National Security are not to be found in the realm of high-tech. This is so because no country has a corner on human creativity. As long as the spirit of US vs. THEM persists both sides will apply high-tech or whatever the current fad is at the time to perpetuate the dangerous escalation of threat. --Charlie ------------------------------ Date: Mon, 31 Dec 84 08:28:12 PST From: Richard Foy <foy@AEROSPACE.ARPA> To: lin@MIT-MC.ARPA Subject: economic freedom I am sorry that you want to move your discussion on the ecomomics and polotics of China to a private discussion. Though I haven`t responded. I hae followed it with interest and believe that I am learning from it. Richard Foy ------------------------------ Date: 2 Jan 85 17:41 EST From: Herb Lin <LIN@MIT-MC.ARPA> Subject: economic freedom To: foy@AEROSPACE.ARPA i'll be glad to cc to anyone on this topic, but i don't think it's appropriate for arms-d. [The Moderator agrees. Poli-Sci would be a more appropriate place for this discussion. Thanks. JnL] ------------------------------ [End of ARMS-D Digest]
arms-d@ucbvax.ARPA (01/03/85)
From: medin@ucbarpa (Milo Medin) From my knowledge of U.S. C^3 systems, I'd say it'd be very hard for some sort of accident to launch anything less than a squadron at a time, otherwise you have to override the 'default' configuration. For a long time, you *couldn't* launch less than a squadron at a time. For those who don't know, a squadron is composed of 50 missiles, 3 squadrons to a wing. But I don't really find the possibility of an accident leading to an actual launch and detontation very large at all, for that you'd need 2 votes and the EAM, and all that stuff is built to be failsafe anyways. I'd think that if we ever did decide to launch a strike, it'd be hard for everything to get all the right info, especially in a nuclear environment, to authorize and authenticate properly. Milo