arms-d@ucbvax.ARPA (02/07/85)
From: Moderator <ARMS-D@MIT-MC.ARPA> Arms-Discussion Digest Volume 3 : Issue 6 Today's Topics: Book Review -- "The Threat," by Andrew Cockburn Go codes for the strategic nuclear forces ---------------------------------------------------------------------- Date: Mon, 4 Feb 85 14:53 EST From: Jong@HIS-BILLERICA-MULTICS.ARPA Subject: Book Review -- "The Threat," by Andrew Cockburn To: ARMS-D@MIT-MC.ARPA Andrew Cockburn. "The Threat: Inside the Soviet Military Machine." New York: Vintage Books, April 1984. 534 pgs., $4.95 (paperback). In ancient Greece, a group of eminent Sophists discoursed rancorously on the number of teeth in a horse. After a time, a man joined the discussion and announced he knew the answer. "How did you reach that conclusion?" the others demanded. "How presumptuous! What do you know of discourse, of argument, of philosophy? What logical principles did you use?" "Logic be damned," the man snapped. "I went around back to the stables and counted 'em." Andrew Cockburn, a contributing editor of "Defense Week," produced the WGBH-TV documentary "The Red Army," which won the 1982 Peabody Prize for documentary television. "The Threat" separates facts about the Soviet war machine from fictions generated by the Pentagon "threat inflators" (and the Russians themselves). The author demolishes fictions with gleeful vigor. Mr. Cockburn quotes the head of the Strategic Forces Division of the office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense: "Welcome to the world of strategic analysis, where we program weapons that don't work to meet threats that don't exist." The book proceeds to demonstrate that the quote is nothing less than a statement of fact. ARMS-D readers will delight at some of the facts revealed in this book. For example: What was the true "missile gap" in 1960? The Soviets at the time had four (4) ICBMs -- with a 30% reliability rate. What is the extent of the massive Soviet arms buildup the Reagan Administration struggles to counter? Soviet arms spending has not changed materially in decades, only the CIA accounting methods. Does the Warsaw Pact outman NATO in Europe? Deduct those Soviet troops who do not fight, those who CANNOT fight, and those "allied" troops who may instantly attack Russian soldiers the moment they are issued live ammunition, and the answer is no. Where are the 2,500 tanks a year the Pentagon says the Soviets are building? The figure is a wild guess; and of those tanks actually manufactured, half are exported for cash to buy food. What are the quietest, most deadly attack submarines in the world? The West German diesel-electric boats, whose crewmen fear only that a noisy American nuclear sub will crush them during NATO maneuvers without so much as detecting them. While the book ostensibly deals with the Soviet armed forces, the author wields the blunt instrument of common sense against the military-industrial complexes of both superpowers. To meet the supposed threat of overwhelming Soviet numerical superiority in conventional weapons, the U.S. is building "high-tech" superweapons. Cockburn documents that the battle-worthiness of these weapons -- be they tanks, planes, or rockets -- is consistently worse than that of the weapons they replace. Our continued security lies less in superweapons than in the Soviets' penchant for aping them, flaws and all. Thus one U.S. Air Force expert comments that the only good thing about the abortive F-111 fighter-bomber is that "the damnfool Russians went out and copied it" (with the Su-24). In detailing the eroding effectiveness of superpower military hardware, Mr. Cockburn stops just short of suggesting that the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. are engaged in tacit disarmament by means of rendering their own weapon systems impotent (squandering hundreds of billions of dollars in the process). "The Threat" also challenges our assumptions about strategic nuclear warfare with an unbiased, straightforward viewpoint. How can either superpower even think about a first strike when it cannot measure the reliability and accuracy (!) of its weapons, or be guaranteed of the other side's response (since a launch-on-warning reaction would destroy the attacker)? What is the purpose in building monumentally expensive weapons systems that are consistently less effective, less rugged, and less numerous than their forerunners? How can arms expenditures be used as a judge of military effectiveness, when the metrics involved are so conjectural? The April 1984 edition even discusses the Korean Airlines massacre, and offers a dispassionate insight into that bizarre story. The plane was shot down just seconds before it escaped Soviet airspace entirely. Those responsible may have been trying to avoid the total humiliation of having a civilian aircraft penetrate the most secret installations on the Soviet east coast with impunity. Mr. Cockburn draws his information from a variety of classified and unclassified sources, including interviews with Soviet emigres. After a few chapters, one becomes uncomfortable weighing statements taken from the Pentagon against news stories from, say, the Washington Post. Can the Pentagon's credibility be so poor? Apparently it can. This reviewer also got the sense that Mr. Cockburn is an Englishman in the classic post-war position of an Englishman discussing superpower affairs -- smack in the middle, but left out. Some of the invective is spleen-venting, surely, but the overall credibility of the book is not much diminished. "The Threat" is fascinating, infuriating, juicy, and ultimately reassuring. The Russian bear, it seems, is too hidebound to strike; and the Pentagon is more concerned with collecting its toys than with using them. But while we may be reassured, we should not be amused. ------------------------------ Date: 6 Feb 85 15:16 EST From: Herb Lin <LIN@MIT-MC.ARPA> Subject: go codes for the strategic nuclear forces.. To: ARMS-D@MIT-MC.ARPA A few weeks ago I asserted that the strategic nuclear forces could arm their weapons physically without specific code information needed. I was wrong, but by how much I do not know. Here is what I now know. The Emergency Action Message is the message sent to US strategic forces when they are called into action. It has two components: an authentication part and an enabling part. The first is what the President sends out -- these are the codes carried in the "football", and are what enable the recipient of the message to know that the EAM was indeed sent by the President or his duly authorized successor. Somewhere later in the system, the enabling part is added to the EAM. The EAM is then transmitted by all feasible means to the strategic forces. The Carnegie Commission report on strategic C^3 authored by some high ex-defense officials says that "some" strategic systems require the enabling code to physically arm their missiles. Submarines apparently need not receive this part. A friend of mine recalls congressional testimony from the DoD that says bombers DO require enabling codes. Logically, since bomber communications are less secure than are ICBM communications, it would make sense that ICBM's require them too, but I have never seen a statement -- official or otherise -- to this effect. Questions that I don't know answers to: Do different types of force (bombers, ICBM's etc) get different messages? I.e. is the bit stream identical? I believe the answer is at least partly yes (on the basis of the fact that an emergency rocket communication system transmits EAMs, and it would be silly to attempt to transmit different messages. How about others? It would certainly be possible for bombers (e.g.) to ignore certain EAMs intended for ICBMs. Where is the enabling part of the EAM added? ------------------------------ [End of ARMS-D Digest]