[misc.activism.progressive] Resisting Spying & Attacks on Environmental Groups

rich@pencil.cs.missouri.edu (06/24/91)

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Resisting Spying & Attacks on Environmental Groups
by Chip Berlet

     Recent events indicate the environmental movement is being 
subjected to obvious surveillance, intimidation, anonymous 
letters, phony leaflets, telephone threats, police over-reaction 
and brutality, dubious arrests, and other threatening actions 
unfamiliar to most environmental activists. Experienced 
organizers warn these techniques often create side effects such 
as false divisions, rivalry, paranoia, false accusations, 
internal strife, and overall stressful circumstances that divert 
energy and time from the real work at hand.

     The type of subtle and not-so-subtle harassment being 
experienced by the environmental movement may be new to eco-
activists, but to civil rights attorney Brian Spears and other 
advocates for civil and constitutional rights, these types of 
incidents strike an all-too-familiar chord. Spears observes that, 
"activists on Central American issues, Native American 
organizers, Black power advocates, and others dissidents have 
been subject to unconstitutional covert surveillance and 
disruption for many years." In fact when Spears attended the 
annual National Lawyers Guild (NLG) convention last summer in 
Austin, Texas, he found not only two workshops on the grassroots 
toxics movement, but also two workshops on repression and attacks 
on political activists.

     Brian Glick, an attorney who spoke at the NLG's political 
repression workshop in Austin, is the author of a security 
guidebook for activists titled "War at Home." Glick concludes 
that historically, "dissenting groups come under attack as they 
begin to seriously threaten the status quo." Since the 
environmental movement "threatens to meddle with people who 
control billions of dollars, it should be no surprise when they 
fight back," says Glick, "especially as corporate and government 
officials come to realize how dramatically environmentalists 
expect them to restructure their activities." 

     Glick says the bombing attack on the Greenpeace Rainbow 
Warrior in New Zealand presaged the current situation in the U.S. 
"Domestic covert action is a powerful deterrent to democratic 
discussion of public policy and effective organizing for social 
change," says Glick echoing a number of civil liberties activists 
interviewed for this article. "We need to take security seriously 
without being distracted from our main goals", says Glick, "and 
one way is to educate ourselves about what has happened in the 
past." Glick and other authors and academics who have studied 
government intelligence abuse and political repression frequently 
find people are skeptical that human rights violations can happen 
in the United States. "We don't like to face this aspect of our 
society," agrees Spears, "but its part of the historical record."

Assorted Sordid Pasts

     Most documented information about government harassment of 
social change activists came to light in the 1970's following a 
series of Congressional hearings which took a critical look at 
the FBI, CIA, military intellignce, federal agencies and the 

private security industry. The most sensational revelations 
revolved around the FBI's Counterintelligence Program or 
COINTELPRO in Bureau jargon. In its final report, the Senate 
Select Committee on Intelligence Activities, often called the 
Church Committee, concluded:

     "COINTELPRO [was] a series of covert action programs 
directed against domestic groups....Many of the techniques used 
would be intolerable in a democratic society even if all of the 
targets had been involved in violent activity, but COINTELPRO 
went far beyond that...the Bureau conducted a sophisticated 
vigilante operation aimed squarely at preventing the exercise of 
First Amendment rights of speech and association, on the theory 
that preventing the growth of dangerous groups and the 
propagation of dangerous ideas would protect the national 
security and deter violence."

     The COINTELPRO operations targetted political groups calling 
for social change, including civil rights and antiwar activists, 
civil liberties advocates, radicals, feminists, even food co-ops 
and health clinics. The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King was a major 
target in a campaign that included anonymous threatening letters 
and attempts to scare away his funders. In one ten year period 
starting in 1966, the FBI employed over 5,000 secret informers in 
Chicago alone.

     According to Glick, a review of the 2,370 officially 
approved COINTELPRO operations admitted to the Senate 
Intelligence Committee shows four main techniques: infiltration, 
psychological warfare from the outside, harassment through the 
legal system, and extralegal force and violence. In the latter 
category falls the sinister collaboration between the FBI and 
right-wing vigilante groups. For instance, in Chicago the FBI and 
local police worked with the Legion of Justice, a rightist group 
that burglarized offices of antiwar activists. In San Diego the 
FBI hid the weapon used by a Secret Army Organization sniper in a 
shooting incident directed at a local activist professor which 
resulted in a woman being injured by a stray bullet.

     The revelations of the Church Committee, the Watergate 
scandal and other [exposes] led to the passage of some valuable 
but limited reforms that briefly curtailed the abuses of the 
intelligence agencies. But along with the election of Ronald 
Reagan to the Presidency came a concerted and successful attempt 
by the intelligence agencies to abolish the reforms which had 
restrained them during the late 1970's. The early 1980's also saw 
tremendous growth in the private security industry coupled with 
an Executive Order signed by President Reagan authorizing the 
contracting of intelligence investigations to private firms 
outside the reach of Congressional oversight and laws protecting 
privacy.

     The FBI and other agencies also redefined the terms 
"terrorism" and "foreign intelligence" to reflect a broad and 
self-serving interpretation; and then argued their investigations 
into social change groups met the terms of specific legal 
language allowing the FBI greater investigative latitude in 
probes involving political violence and foreign spying. The 
result was that by 1983, FBI agents and private security 
specialists had launched broad intrusions into the lives of 
ordinary citizens engaged in otherwise legal activities.

     Ross Gelbspan is the author of a forthcoming book on the 
FBI's campaign from 1981 to 1985 against groups critical of U.S. 
policy in Central America. Gelbspan says "While the FBI conducts 
legitimate criminal investigations, its carrying out of 
unauthorized politically-motivated police activity is more than 
just history." For proof, Gelbspan (a veteran reporter for the 
Boston Globe who helped pen a Pulitzer Prize winning 
investigative series) points to documents obtained under the 
federal Freedom of Information Act, lawsuits, and Congressional 
hearings which show that in an FBI probe of the Committee in 
Solidarity with the People of El Salvador (CISPES), "the FBI took 
at face value allegations by right-wing security specialists that 
members of (CISPES) were terrorists or foreign agents." 

     The FBI probe of CISPES moved beyond surveillance to attacks 
on CISPES, its members and allies. Thousands of citiens were 
referenced in secret dossiers. The FBI also used the services of 
right-wing sleuths including a network of conservative campus 
activists who attended meetings and then submitted reports to the 
FBI. "The CISPES probe by the FBI was not an aberration by a 
handful of field agents," says Gelbspan refuting widely published 
reports. "It was clearly approved at the highest levels of the 
Bureau and was apprently sanctioned by the NSC and the White 
House."

     "Looking at the CISPES investigation in light of other 
political investigations dating back to the 1950's, one gets the 
distinct impression that the FBI sees its mandate as neutralizing 
or disabling every political movement that has the potential for 
bringing about significant changes in the American political 
system," argues Gelbspan. 

     Kit Gage, the Washington representative of the National 
Committee Against Repressive Legislation (NCARL) agrees with 
Gelbspan. "We know first hand the kind of havoc the FBI can wreak 
on a group exercising its First Amendment rights," says Gage who 
has leafed through FBI files recording "38 years of surveillance 
on NCARL and its predecessors which produced 130,000 pages of 
files but not one criminal conviction." What is well documented 
"is an incredible amount of harassment and disruption of our 
organization," Gage charges. "Since the FBI seems unable to 
regulate itself," says Gage, "NCARL is currently seeking legal 
remedies in the form of legislation that would limit FBI 
investigations solely to criminal activity." Hundreds of law 
school professors have endorsed NCARL's proposed legislation.

     Meanwhile, surveillance and disruption continue to hamstring 
activists. At the Center for Constitutional Rights in New York, 
the Movement Support Network (MSN) maintains a list of suspicious 
incidents called in by groups around the country. According to 
MSN coordinator Jinsoo Kim, "since 1984 there have been over 300 
suspicious incidents including 150 unexplained break-ins" where 
usually files are rifled but expensive office equipment not 
stolen. Suspicions point to an ad-hoc alliance of FBI agents and 
informants, other government investigators, far right vigilantes, 
and private security sleuths who trade information and justify 
their actions in the name of national security and fighting 
terrorism.

     The zealousness of these snoops can lead them to break the 
law in pursuit of their quarry. Earth First activist Dave Foreman 
says his unfortunately intimate knowledge of FBI informant-
provocateurs leads him to not rule out the possibility that the 
California bombing incident was the result of a covert 
operation....a charge that reflects an accurate historical 
awareness of how far some agents are willing to go in an attempt 
to trap their target.

     An example of this involved Connecticut animal rights 
activist Fran Trutt, charged with attempting to plant a bomb she 
says was meant to scare an offical of the U.S. Surgical 
Corporation which uses animals for medical tests and sales 
demonstrations. Her accomplices, not charged with any crime, 
turned out to be private security agents hired by U.S. Surgical. 
Trutt's attorney, John Williams, says there is "absolutely no 
question that Trutt was enticed" into considering the bombing by 
agents from Perceptions International." Furthermore, several 
months prior to the attempted bombing, according to Williams "the 
entire situation was reviewed at a meeting that included 
representatives of the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and 
Firearms, the Connecticut States Attorney's office, the security 
director of U.S. Surgical and at least one representative of 
Perceptions International...and the topic of the meeting was Fran 
Trutt."

     According to Williams, it was the agents of Perceptions 
International, working for U.S. Surgical but posing as Trutt's 
friends, who suggested the bombing, paid for the purchase of the 
pipe bomb, and drove her to the U.S. Surgical parking lot. When 
Trutt had second thoughts while on her way to the parking lot, 
she called a trusted friend, and was encouraged to proceed--that 
"friend", too, was a private undercover agent from Perceptions 
International. Although Trutt was clearly set up, under 
Connecticut law she needed to show substantial state involvement 
to use entrapment as a defense, a problematic tactic given the 
available evidence. Trutt reluntantly accepted a plea bargain and 
will serve a short prison term rather than risk a lengthy 
sentence on more serious charges.

     One person troubled by the Trutt case is Gary T. Marx, a 
sociology professor at Massachusetts Institute of Technology and 
author of "Undercover: Police Surveillance in America." Marx says 
serious ethical problems can arise "When police must depend on 
persons whose professional lives routinely involve deceit and 
concealment and who have a motive to lie." Informants "often have 
strong incentives to see that others break the law," says Marx, 
who worries that our democratic values are being threatened by 
the increased use of technologically sophisticated forms of 
electronic surveillance and computerized dossier-keeping.

What To Do!

     Jinsoo Kim of the Movement Support Network urges that 
environmental activists pick up some simple security 
consciousness and briefly study the history of political 
repression against dissent in America. "There has been a whole 
generation of activists since the revelations about the FBI 
COINTELPRO program and Watergate," says Kim. "Something that 
happened fifteen, or even five years ago, its as if it never 
happened. We need to teach the lessons learned by previous 
movements about how to empower ourselves and fight back without 
losing sight of our political goals." Kim urges people to contact 
her at MSN if they want printed information on repression and 
helpful security tips, have an incident to report, or need 
advice. 

     Sheila O'Donnell, a progressive private eye for twenty years 
who specializes in political cases, suggests environmentalists 
need to be very suspicious of attempts to define individuals or 
groups in a way that isolates them. "Smear campaigns often are a 
part of disruption operations, so charges of eco-terrorism and 
allegations of violence should be carefully considered on the 
basis of documented facts, not lurid headlines," says O'Donnell. 
"And if people use different techniques, that's OK," adds Brian 
Glick, "there is a place for lobbying, grassroots organizing, 

education, and militant action...they reinforce each other." 
Susan B. Jordan, lawyer for two Earth First! activists whose car 
was bombed, points out that her clients "were easy people to whip 
up public opinion against," because of their reputation for 
militancy.

     Attorney John Williams offers this advice based on the Trutt 
Case and 20 years of defending political activists: "Assume the 
other side is listening, consider everything you do as if it will 
be played back in a courtroom or appear on the front page of the 
local newspaper. If you don't act this way, you are very foolish, 
and could not only go down the tubes, but take your friends and 
your movement with you. Fran Trutt's problem was that this never 
occured her. She was literally seduced. It has been a hard lesson 
for her to learn"

      Sheila O'Donnell advises that talking to the FBI or other 
investigators without the advice or presence of an attorney is 
not a good idea. "It's hard for some people to understand this," 
conceeds O'Donnell, "But it simply isn't an issue of social 
courtesy. Individual FBI agents or other investigators might be 
friendly and assure you they don't think you or your friends are 
criminals or terrorists, but they pass along the information they 
glean from you to faceless bureaucracies with a history of 
attacking activists and derailing their movements. You never know 
what seemingly-harmless bit of information might get you or a 
friend in trouble," insists O'Donnell, "an attorney will protect 
your rights, not the FBI."

     O'Donnell recommends all political activists use the "buddy 
system" where group members share phone numbers and a pledge to 
call each other if anything suspicious or threatening happens, no 
matter how seemingly silly or trivial. "By talking with friends 
about strange events, the events lose their sinister aspect, and 
you gain courage by sharing your fears," says O'Donnell. "I know 
talking about security makes some people nervous," she admits. 
"But other political movements have adopted simple common sense 
attitudes about security and still reached their political 
goals." O'Donnell says when groups are harassed it is important 
to "promote caring working relationships within the membership 
and keep a healthy sense of skepticism and humor." One thing her 
investigations have shown clearly, says O'Donnell, "is that it is 
not only true that democracy is worth fighting for...but you also 
have to fight for it just to keep it alive." 


Resources

Movement Support Network
666 Broadway
New York, NY 10012
212-614-6422

National Committee Against Repressive Legislation
236 Massachusetts Avenue, N.E.
Suite 406
Washington, D.C. 20002
202-543-7659

jym@mica.berkeley.edu (Jym Dyer) (06/25/91)

=v= The attached documents have appeared on the net before, but
before this newsgroup came into existence.  They are germane to
the topic of harassment of environmental groups.

=v= There are three documents attached:

  (1) A Greenpeace press release about a Clorox public relations
  "crisis management plan."  Part of the plan entails labelling
  environmentalists "terrorists."

  (2) A Greenpeace press release about a worker in Greenpeace's
  toxics campaign whose house was burnt down.

  (3) A long speech by Earth First!'s Judi Bari, detailing all
  kinds of incidents of harassment of activists.

=v= All of these stories are important and, of course, extremely
under-reported.  I encourage folks to take this information and
spread it far and wide -- on-line and off-line.  Publicizing these
things is, in my opinion, a critical part of resisting them.
    <_Jym_>
========================================================================
[Greenpeace Press Release from Environet]

   CLOROX COMPANY'S PUBLIC RELATIONS "CRISIS MANAGEMENT PLAN"        
                      LEAKED TO GREENPEACE

Seattle, May 13, 1991 (GP) -- A public relations "Crisis 
Management Plan" prepared for the Clorox Corporation and leaked to
Greenpeace recommends labeling environmental critics as 
"terrorists," threatening to sue "unalterably green" journalists, 
and dispatching "independent scientists" on media tours as means 
to counteract bad news for the chlorine industry.
 
The plan, prepared by the public relations division of Ketchum
Communications, was apparently prompted by fears that the 
environmental group would target household use of chlorine bleach
and call for its elimination. 
  
Greenpeace has an international program aimed at ending the use 
of chlorine in the pulp and paper industry.  Its slogan  
"Chlorine-Free by 1993" is cited in the Clorox plan, which  
outlines numerous "worst case scenarios" in which Greenpeace and 
"unalterably green" journalists figure prominently. 
  
"They failed to anticipate the worst of worst case scenarios,"  
said Shelley Stewart, Greenpeace toxics campaigner. "That some
conscientious person would obtain the plan, and leak it to us."  
 
Greenpeace verified that Ketchum Communications, a Pittsburgh-
based firm which is one of the nation's largest advertising and
public relations entities, is under contract to Clorox.  One
portion of the leaked document is comprised of a fax transmission
between two Ketchum offices.  
  
"Lying is a growth industry," Stewart said of such PR firms.  
"The truth is that chlorine is a chemical whose days are 
numbered. Its use has created some of the most intractable 
environmental problems in history."  
DDT, PCBs, Agent Orange, CFCs and dioxin all originate from use 
of chlorine.  
 
Perhaps the most revealing aspect of the Clorox plan is that 
while it's clear that the company knows it has a genuine 
environmental problem on its hands, the document suggests that 
Clorox feels more threatened by a public interest group like 
Greenpeace than they do by the federal authorities.  
  
The Crisis Plan makes reference to studies linking chlorine use 
to cancer, and with remarkable candor suggests ways to discredit 
the findings if they ever became public.  Ketchum recommends that
Clorox should "cast doubts on the methodology and findings," of 
potentially damaging scientific reports which haven't yet been 
written.  
 
The PR firm also recommends labeling Greenpeace as violent self-
seeking "eco-terrorists;" attempting to sue newspaper columnists 
who advocate use of non-toxic bleaches and cleaners for the 
home; "immunizing" government officials; dispatching 
"independent" scientists on media tours; and recruiting 
"scientific ambassadors" to tout the Clorox cause and call for 
further study.  
  
While "crisis" public relations specialists have been deployed to
effect spin control on virtually every major environmental issue
in recent years, the chlorine industry has been a prolific
consumer of the type of service outlined in the Ketchum memo.   
The Clorox PR strategy sounded familiar to Stewart. "We've seen 
the same kinds of ploys coming from the American Paper Institute 
and the Chlorine Institute surrounding the toxicity of dioxin," 
she said. 
 
NOTE: Copies of the Clorox Crisis Management Plan are available 
from Greenpeace's offices in Washington, DC, Seattle, San 
Francisco, and Toronto, Canada.

Contact: Shelley Stewart in Seattle, 206/632-4326
         Bill Walker in San Francisco, 415/512-9025 
         Peter Dykstra in Washington, DC, 202/319-2491 
         Tamara Stark in Toronto, Canada 416/345-8408

                              ####
========================================================================
[Greenpeace Press Release from Environet]

     GREENPEACE CALLS ON FBI TO INVESTIGATE ARSON IN OFFICE
 
 WASHINGTON May 3, 1991 (GP) -- Greenpeace today called on the
Federal Bureau of Investigation to launch an inquiry into a
suspicious fire that destroyed the home of a Greenpeace activist
and her library of invaluable documentation of corporate
pollution throughout the country.
 
Pat Costner, research director for the Greenpeace USA toxics
campaign, left her home in a remote, wooded area near Eureka
Springs, Arkansas on the evening of March 2.  Returning three
hours later, she discovered her house in ashes with some small
flames still visible.  Local fire officials said they could not
determine the cause of the fire, but Rick Eley, a Tennessee-based
arson investigator retained by Greenpeace, determined that the
fire was set with gasoline, with Costner's office and library
specifically targeted.  In another incident three weeks later a
telephone line to Costner's temporary residence was severed.
 
After meeting with Costner and learning of the investigator's
findings, local and Arkansas State Police officials urged Costner
to contact the FBI.  On Wednesday, Costner sent via Federal
Express a letter requesting an FBI investigation to Don K.
Pettus, Special Agent in Charge of the Bureau's Little Rock
office. (501-221-9100.)  

Costner has led a high profile campaign on behalf the public's
right to know what toxic chemicals companies routinely dump into
the environment.  Costner, a chemist, had accumulated an enormous
amount of data on the health effects of industrial pollutants and
the dumping and disposal practices of some of the most powerful
companies in America.  Her home and possessions were a total loss
in the fire, and were not insured.
 
"Given the enormity of the crimes against the environment
committed every day, this crime was a small one," said Costner.
"However, if the persons responsible for this attack hoped to
silence my efforts on behalf of the planet and the public, they
were sadly mistaken."  
 
 
NOTES:  Arson Investigator Rick Eley can be reached at
901-753-9031.  Copies of his report are available from Greenpeace
in Washington.  Pat Costner is currently travelling and can be
reached through Greenpeace in Washington.

Contact:  Peter Dykstra, or Greenpeace USA Executive Director
Peter Bahouth at (202) 462-1177

                              ####
========================================================================
      [From the May 8, 1991 issue of _Anderson_Valley_Advertiser_]

      Community Under Siege

      by Judi Bari [Footnotes added by jym@mica.berkeley.edu]

      [Speech given at the Cinco de Mayo/May 5th gathering in
      Booneville on Sunday, May 5th, 1991.]

      I came of age during the Vietnam era, and I've known for a long
      time that the system is enforced by violence.  Some of my
      earliest political experiences were of 20-year-old national
      guardsmen beating my 18-year-old non-violent friends senseless
      and bloody.  I didn't think I had any delusions about how thin
      the veneer of civility is in this country.  But I have to admit
      that I was totally unprepared for the sheer horror of being
      bombed and maimed while organizing for Redwood Summer last year.

      The bombing represented the end of innocence for our movement.
      Sure, we had seen violence before, but this was different.  The
      logger who broke Mem Hill's nose, the log truck driver who ran
      me off the road -- these people were victims of the timber
      industry themselves who, in the heat of the moment, took their
      anger out on us.  But whoever put that bomb in my car was a cold
      and premeditated killer.  And the FBI's attempt to frame me and
      Darryl [Cherney] for the bombing made us realize what we are up
      against.  Not only are they willing to use lethal force to
      protect their "right" to level whole ecosystems for private
      profit, they are also backed by the full power of the
      government's secret police.

      The man in charge of my and Darryl's case at the FBI is Richard
      W. Held, chief of the San Francisco office.  He went on TV last
      summer to say that Darryl and I were the _only_ suspects in the
      bomb attack that nearly took my life.  Richard Held became
      notorious in the 1970's for his active role in COINTELPRO, an
      outrageous and illegal FBI program to disrupt and destroy any
      group that challenged the powers-that-be.

      COINTELPRO's method was to foment internal discord in activist
      groups, isolate and discredit them, terrorize them, and
      assassinate their leaders.  The best known example of this was
      Black Panther Fred Hampton, who was murdered by the FBI as he
      slept in his bed in a Chicago apartment in 1969.  And there
      were many, many others.

      But back to Richard Held, the man in charge of my bombing case.
      His personal role in COINTELPRO began in the early 70's in Los
      Angeles, where he ordered insulting cartoons to be drawn and
      sent, supposedly from one faction to another, in the L.A. Black
      Panthers.  This heated up antagonisms between the factions so
      much that, with a little help from FBI infiltrators, they
      erupted into shooting wars that left two Panthers dead.

      Held was also on hand in Pine Ridge South Dakota in 1975, to
      help direct the FBI's reign of terror against the American
      Indian Movement.  In this case the FBI took advantage of
      existing divisions in the native community to hook up with
      a vigilante groups called GOONS, or Guardians of the Oglala
      Nation.  These local thugs were armed by the FBI and guaranteed
      that they would not be prosecuted for crimes against AIM
      members.  They attacked over 300 AIM people and killed 70 of
      them.  Not one of these crimes was solved because, said the FBI,
      they "didn't have enough manpower."  The Pine Ridge campaign
      ended with a military sweep of the reservation by 200 SWAT
      trained agents, and with the framing and jailing of Leonard
      Peltier.

      Another of Richard Held's accomplishments was in San Diego,
      where he was assigned to the Minutemen, a right-wing
      paramilitary group that had gotten so blatant that the FBI
      decided to make them disband.  Richard Held disbanded them,
      all right, but he re-organized them into the Secret Army
      Organization (SAO).  The SAO bombed the Guild Theater, a
      black community project, and tried to assassinate Peter
      Bohmer, a radical professor at San Diego State.  They
      missed and severely wounded his associate, Paula Thorpe.
      By the way, the assassination symbol of the Minutemen was
      the rifle scope and cross-hairs.

      In 1978 Richard Held was transferred to Puerto Rico where he
      oversaw the FBI's execution of two Independentista leaders
      who were made to kneel, then shot in the head.  Held stayed on
      until 1985, when he stage-managed an island-wide SWAT assault
      by 300 agents who busted in doors and rounded up activists.

      For all his good work, Richard Held was then promoted to be
      in charge of the San Francisco FBI, where he still works
      today.  And I don't know if the FBI had anything to do with
      putting that bomb in my car, but I know for certain that they
      tried to frame me for it and made sure the real bomber wasn't
      found.  They blowtorched out my whole floorboard and front seat
      and sent it to their "crime lab in D.C.," thereby destroying
      the evidence that would prove they were lying about the location
      of the bomb. [1]

      So with this knowledge of how the FBI operates, when I look at
      what's going on in our movement I can only conclude that we are
      under attack by a COINTELPRO-type operation.  Earth First! is
      definitely a target.  We know that the FBI has spent at least
      $3 million to infiltrate and disrupt Earth First! in Arizona
      and Montana, not even including what they've done in Northern
      California.  In Arizona, admitted FBI agent provocateur Michael
      Fain infiltrated their group for two years, winning the
      activists' trust and friendship.  Then he led them to try and
      drop a power line, and got them busted for it by the FBI.
      This is the supposed "Earth First! plot to destroy nuclear
      power plants" that you hear about.  There was no plot.  Just
      some naive people who were misled by the FBI.  And Dave
      Foreman wasn't even there.  They arrested him in his bed
      at 5 a.m. and led him out in his underwear. [2]

      In Montana the FBI targeted an environmental studies professor
      named Ron Erikson, saying he and his Earth First! students were
      responsible for a tree-spiking incident.  They raided people's
      houses and forced them to give fingerprints, handwriting and
      hair samples.  Yet even after a Grand Jury investigation, they
      found no evidence at all to link Erickson or his students with
      any tree-spiking.  But they discredited him professionally and
      terrorized the Earth First!ers.

      So I would be crazy not to assume that the FBI has had its hand
      in the events up here, both before and after the bombing.  But
      whether it's the FBI or just the timber industry, I know for
      sure that the _techniques_ of COINTELPRO have been used here
      in an attempt to disrupt us, discredit us, create a climate of
      fear, and derail our attempts to save the redwoods.  Here are
      some examples of standard COINTELPRO practices that have shown
      up in our community:

      Black Propaganda -- This term refers to information that appears
      to come from one source (EF!) but actually comes from another
      source (FBI or timber).  The fake press releases that were
      distributed before the bombing fit this category.  They claimed
      to be from Earth First! and called for violence against timber
      workers, but one had no contact name or number at all, and the
      other spelled Darryl's name wrong. [3]  An even scarier example
      of black propaganda came from the right wing anti-environmental
      group the Sahara Club.  In April 1990 they printed a diagram of
      how to make a bomb, claiming it was from an Earth First!
      terrorism manual.  Of course there is no such manual printed,
      distributed by, or legitimately associated with us.

      Gray Propaganda -- This term refers to damaging information
      whose source is not clear.  Under this category I would place
      the recent front-page article in the _San_Francisco_Examiner_
      in which an "ex-CIA agent" claims, with no evidence or details
      whatsoever, that Earth First! has "clandestine cells of highly
      educated scientists" working to develop a virus to wipe out
      the human race.

      Intimidation -- This certainly describes the many death threats
      we activists have gotten, including the Minuteman-style rifle
      scope and cross-hairs threat that I received a month before I
      was bombed.  Death threats have continued as recently as last
      night at 3 a.m., when an anonymous caller told Anna Marie "this
      bomb's for you."  Even a 15-year old Willits high school anti-
      war organizer got a call saying "We know you had Judi Bari speak
      at your rally.  We're not afraid to kill someone, you know."

      Harassment -- This includes harassment of community people who
      support us, and is designed to drive those people away.  Not
      only was my house red-tagged by the building dept. following an
      anonymous complaint after the bombing, but so was my landlord's.
      A non-activist friend who let me stay at her house had the FBI
      visit her work and talk to her boss.  And my entire neighborhood
      was threatened with having their houses burned down when I moved
      back here last August.

      Surveillance -- The purpose of surveillance is as much to create
      paranoia as to gain information.  And in case I had any doubts
      that I was still being watched, a few weeks ago an Oakland cop
      (the FBI's front men) told a reporter that he knew I had just
      returned from U.C. Santa Barbara, and that he presumed a series
      of pipe bombs that mysteriously appeared on campus a few days
      before I got there were connected to me.

      Vigilantes -- Although certainly on a smaller and less lethal
      scale, the FBI and local law enforcement have used similar
      tactics to those used against AIM in Pine Ridge South Dakota.
      They have encouraged vigilantes by sending a clear message that
      crimes against Earth First!ers will not be prosecuted, including
      the bombing of me.  At least a dozen Redwood Summer people were
      assaulted (and I'm not counting incidents at the demonstra-
      tions), and two were beaten into unconsciousness and left in
      remote areas.  Only one person was arrested for doing anything
      against us, and that was the man who planted a fake bomb in the
      Arcata Action Center, who was arrested only because the EF!ers
      pursued him into a bar to catch him.

      Local Police Complicity -- This includes Mendocino County D.A.
      Susan Massini, who wouldn't prosecute for Mem Hill's broken nose
      or for me being rammed by the log truck.  And Sheriff Shea, who
      tried to whip up fear and hatred of Earth First! by calling for
      an emergency ordinance to restrict the size of our picket signs,
      using a video of a Palestinian student demonstration in Beverly
      Hills 10 years ago to "prove" how we would use our signs as
      weapons.  And Sgt. Satterswhite who, like the FBI in Pine Ridge,
      told me he "didn't have the manpower to investigate" the death
      threats against me.  And the Ukiah police who, just one month
      ago, refused to apprehend a man who came to the Mendocino
      Environmental Center and threatened Gary Ball with physical
      violence, said he was going to burn down the MEC, and raged
      in biblical terms saying I deserved to be bombed and should
      be bombed again.

      Local Government Complicity -- This includes Mendo Co. Super-
      visor Marilyn Butcher, who promoted the lynch-mob mentality last
      year when she publicly responded to the death threats against me
      by saying "You brought it on yourself, Judi."  And it includes
      Humboldt Co. Supervisor Harry Pritchard who, just a few weeks
      ago, called us terrorists and said one of us would get killed if
      we didn't stop "taking food out of people's mouths."  And it
      includes the city governments of both Ukiah and Willits, who
      recently bypassed all public channels to allow the apparently
      permanent installation of yellow ribbons on our public streets,
      a not-so-subtle message of intimidation to anyone who would
      oppose the timber industry or the New World Order.

      There are many more examples, but the pattern is clear.  John
      Muir once said, "Tug on anything in nature and you will find it
      connected to everything else."  I would say that the same is
      true of the corporate state.  Because wall we ever tried to do
      here is save a few trees and protect our communities from the
      ravages of a few out-of-town corporations.  And we have found
      this incredible array of forces lined up against us with the
      timber industry.  So as the new logging season gets underway,
      with tensions rising again, we had better figure out how to deal
      with this COINTELPRO-style assault we are under.  Of course one
      of the first things we should do is to educate ourselves, and
      that's why I'm saying all this.  But we also have to counter
      their attempts to marginalize, isolate and intimidate us.

      It's important to remember why Earth First! is targeted, and
      that is because we are effective.  In spite of our shock and
      horror at the bombing last May, we didn't back down.  3000
      people from all over the country came to Redwood Summer and
      chained themselves to logging equipment, hugged trees, blocked
      logging roads and marched through timber towns.  Sure we made
      mistakes.  But in spite of incredible provocation we maintained
      our presence and non-violence throughout the summer.  Forests
      Forever made a state-wide issue of redwood slaughter, but
      Redwood Summer made it national and international.  Together we
      are the cause of the current political push to save Headwaters
      Forest and reform logging practices.

      People in the environmental movement who are not Earth First!ers
      should remember that we are all affected.  If you allow us to be
      isolated, if it's not okay to be an Earth First!er this year,
      then next year it won't be okay to be in the Sierra Club.  Don't
      believe the incendiary stuff you read and here about us in the
      corporate press.  You know us.  We are your neighbors, and we
      are ready to work with you and talk to you any time.  You can
      reach us at the MEC at 486-1660.

      The entire community is under siege, and that includes the
      forest itself, not just the people who defend it.  If we back
      down to timber and police terror, they will continue to destroy
      the redwood forest and its life support system.  We are already
      seeing the climate changes that go with deforestation, including
      the 5-year drought and killing forests.  How much longer can
      they cut like this before the ecosystem collapses?

      If we stand together, I think we can make the difference.  In
      Humboldt County, Maxxam is on the verge of financial collapse
      from its own junk bonds.  And L-P and G-P are almost done in
      Mendo County.  They've cut the good stuff, and now they're
      fighting to take 20-year old baby third-growth trees in a last
      mop-up operation before they leave.  How much is this chip-cut
      worth to them?  Economically those trees barely pay their way
      out of the woods.  But biologically they mean the difference
      between whether the forest can ever recover, or whether it will
      end up converted to vineyards, subdivisions, or desert.

      That's why we're not backing down.  We're tired and we're
      scared, but the timber industry is tired too.  And the darkest
      hour is just before the dawn.
----------------------------------------------------------------------
      [1] Shortly after the bombing, the FBI was telling reporters
      that the bomb was located on the back seat of Bari's car.  This
      would support the claim that Bari and Cherney were knowingly
      transporting a bomb.  However, Bari's injuries leave no doubt
      that the bomb was in fact located under the driver's seat.

      [2] Foreman's actual complicity is probably best expressed by
      Fain himself, who was musing into his tape recorder:  "I don't
      really look for them to be doing a lot of hurting people.
      [Foreman] isn't really the guy we need to pop -- I mean in
      terms of an actual perpetrator.  This is the guy we need to
      pop to send a message.  And that's all we're really doing.
      . . . Uh-oh.  We don't need that on tape.  Hoo boy."

      [3] One timber firm, PALCO, distributed copies of this phony
      press release to its employees, even though it is indicated in
      one of their memos that they themselves were unsure that it was
      produced by EF!, given the misspelling of Cherney's name.