[clari.canada.general] Gorbachev:

clarinews@clarinet.com (anderson/farm market news) (02/02/90)

	(MOSCOW) The gloss is wearing awfully thin.
	As Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev prepares for next week's
Communist party Central Committee plenum, his grip on power is in doubt,
his hands are bloodied by events in Azerbaijan and the walls of some
Soviet republics are threatening to crumble.
	The two-day plenum starting Monday was originally planned to tidy
up the unfinished business of how to handle the Lithuanian Communist
Party's breakaway from the national, Moscow-based party.
	But the issue of punishing or praising the Communists in the
independence-minded Baltic republic now looks like a minor problem for
the more than 300 top Communist party policymakers heading to the plenum
-- the highest level of regular political meetings held in this country.
	Crisis is on the agenda now, with a rising toll of dead and wounded
in Baku, the capital of Azerbaijan, where Moscow used military force two
weeks ago to quell violence against the Armenian minority that grew into
a threat against the southern republic's Communist government.
	More than 100 have died and nearly 500 have been wounded in the
events that came less than a month after the Kremlin's ideology chief,
Vadim Medvedev, had helped calm nervous nationalists in Lithuania with
assurances that Moscow is ``against military means'' of settling
political problems.
	``We stand for political solutions and we will use them to solve
problems in the Soviet Union,'' Medvedev had declared, leaving the
mistaken impression that Gorbachev could and would extend to the people
of his own country some of the tolerance shown toward eastern European
countries.
	In Azerbaijan, street violence was met with government violence.
The repeated refrain in Moscow is ``What else could we do?'' A similar
kind of refrain is becoming attached to the issue of Gorbachev's grip on
power: ``Who else is there?''
	That's the best even his most loyal paid defenders can come up
with. ``There are no alternative leaders,'' Foreign Ministry spokesman
Gennady Gerasimov said recently in response to questions about
Gorbachev's leadership. ``There are no alternative policies.''
	As events have begun to outpace Gorbachev's plans for reforms,
exposing his lack of strong control over where the giant country is
headed, a dark cloud of doubt has gathered about his ability to survive
-- even without a backstage leader.
	A U.S. television report this week that Gorbachev was considering
quitting as general secretary of the Communist party while remaining
head of state was denied by the Soviet leader.
	But the denial didn't come until after the report had been
circulating for about 10 hours, time enough to throw international
finance markets into temporary turmoil and flush supportive comments out
of Washington.
	Coincidentally or not, the leading Communist party newspaper,
Pravda, published an article suggesting Gorbachev needs greater and
tighter power if he is to push reform forward.
	The country's power structure is on the table at the plenum. The
Central Committee is scheduled to thrash out proposals for a platform on
Communist party reform in preparation for the party congress next
October.
	The party normally holds a congress every five years but decided,
at a plenum in the fall, to advance the date of the next one by six
months, after Gorbachev made a case for more urgent reform of the
Communist party which has lost prestige and membership, if not
authority.
	Some critics have called for a congress even sooner. ``Party
renewal'' is the buzz-phrase for the plenum, and it hasn't come fast
enough for some. In the Russian city of Volvograd this week, mass
protests drove local party officials to resign over a housing scandal.
	Local Communist party leaders have been replaced, after being
removed or driven out, in several communities in recent months, usually
over issues related to poor or unhealthy living conditions.
	The violence in Baku, which reached near-civil-war proportions, has
been branded as a display of ethnic conflict and nationalist fervor. But
it appears that it all started with the protests of thousands of
homeless and unemployed Azerbaijanis who had reached a breaking point.