cries@mtxinu.COM (09/02/89)
/* Written 5:59 pm Aug 30, 1989 by cries in ni:cries.regionews */
/* ---------- "ElSAl: I/viewCmdte.Nidia DiazFMLN" ---------- */
THREE VOICES FROM EL SALVADOR - PART 3
cries.regionews from Managua August 30, 1989
122 lines 5504 bytes)
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COMANDANTE NIDIA DIAZ
Political-Diplomatic Commission of the FMLN
**Q. What is your interpretation of the Tela accords and
what they mean for El Salvador?
**A. Tela is an advance for the progressive and
revolutionary forces of Central America. In El Salvador's
case, it represents a victory because the presidents have
urged the parties in conflict (recognizing the FMLN as well)
to begin a dialogue/negotiation in the framework of the
demands and objectives of democratization in Esquipulas II,
to which we adhered with the October 1987 public declaration
together with President Duarte. This opens the door to a
political solution.
**Q. But El Salvador's right-wing and military claim that
the word "negotiation" doesn't appear in the accords, and
they speak only of "concertation".
**A. This means that it's always necessary to arrive at an
understanding where there's give and take. Furthermore,
"concertation" comes before an end to hostilities. And in
our January proposal for electoral participation, we already
declared ourselves ready to agree to a definitive suspension
of the armed conflict. We started this struggle precisely
because of the lack of space for democracy in our country,
and now the conditions to negotiate are being imposed.
In that initiative - and reaffirmed in our April platform of
political negotiation - we brought together three elements.
First, it's not necessary to share power in order to open
democratic spaces or hold negotiations, but this would be
determined by elections. Second, fair elections would
promote peace. And finally, we renounce the integration of
the two armies; that of the government should have the bad
elements cleaned out of it and be reduced in size, and the
security forces should disappear.
**Q. It's commonly thought that Cristiani is willing to
negotiate but is running into too much resistance inside his
party and the Armed Forces.
**A. Two definitions of dialogue exist inside the regime.
Cristiani, as a representative of the modernizing sector,
would likely be willing to make some sort of concession.
D'Aubuisson, on the other hand, isn't opposed to dialogue as
such, but doesn't want it to go anywhere or to discuss the
real problems.
The Armed Forces refused to be part of the president's
dialogue commission and be part of the "social forces" that,
according to Cristiani, should be consulted in the dialogue.
The army, almost as though it doesn't consider itself to be
a determining factor in questions of power, wants to take
time to improve the relationship of forces militarily,
although now they don't have the objective of defeating us
as they tries to do in Duarte's time - blocking any
negotiation. Now, they just want to check our advance and
break up the popular movement. That's why they're thinking
of a cease-fire and they're using Tela to speak of FMLN
demobilization like that of the contras.
We, on the other hand, feel that the social and political
forces should play a role not just of being consulted but of
making the negotiations more dynamic.
**Q. The Armed Forces say the FMLN is weak and practices
terrorism, so there's no reason to negotiate.
**A. That's part of their psychological war to try to
present us nationally and internationally as being defeated
and without hope. The fact is that today, after constant
activity and growth since last September, we've got an
undeniable advantage. With our surprise attacks and daily
combat in the cities, as well as the qualitative leap we
took with the last nation-wide maneuvers, it's clear that
now there are no military targets beyond the reach of the
FMLN. They've had to go on the defensive in order to hold
back the social explosion and to guarantee bit by bit the
implementation of the project of "fascistization" of the
country.
It must also be added that they accuse us of executions
that, on the contrary, were fruits of the confrontation
inside ARENA between the modernizing and conservative
factions.
In any case, with our May 29 proposal, we declared ourselves
willing to suspend the economic sabotage in exchange for an
end to the repression, and in this way, arrive at a suitable
climate for negotiations. But whenever we speak of
"humanizing the war", they refuse to talk and continue the
repression (although selectively) and the indiscriminate
bombings of the civilian population.
**Q. Is it true that the FMLN has anti-aircraft missiles?
**A. If we'd have had them, we would've already won the
anti-aircraft war.
**Q. What's the significance of the Mexico meeting? Is an
alliance with the Christian Democrats shaping up?
**A. Mexico is a continuation of the February meeting in
Oaxtepec, but without ARENA, and its purpose is to set up
conditions that favor a political solution. That explains
these talks between forces that are opposed to ARENA for
different reasons. It's nothing new. Our platform includes
the idea of forming a broad and pluralistic government with
all the representative forces that desire the
democratization of the country, including the PDC.
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