cries@mtxinu.COM (09/02/89)
/* Written 6:08 pm Aug 30, 1989 by cries in ni:cries.regionews */ /* ---------- "C.Rica:Election Mudslinging Begins" ---------- */ COSTA RICAN ELECTIONS: MUDSLINGING BEGINS (cries.regionews from Managua August 30, 1989 The Costa Rican election campaign has begun to get dirty and there are still six months to go until election day. The leaderships of the two main parties are accusing each other of receiving funds from disreputable sources. In particular, a commotion has been caused by the apparent economic support given by Panamanian military chief Manuel Antonio Noriega to the opposition Social Christian Unity Party (PUSC) in the 1985-86 election campaign. This allegation undoubtedly favors the governing National Liberation Party (PLN), which up till now, has borne the brunt of the accusations of corruption. The scandal was provoked by declarations made by Panama's former Consul-General, Jose Blandon, who testified in Washington that PUSC presidential candidate Rafael Angel Calderon had received $500,000 from Noriega. A new phase began in the election campaign, characterized by polemics about links to drug trafficking and corruption. The issues of the country's economic and social problems and the regional situation have become overshadowed. But these skirmishes don't seem to have given very much in the way of dividends to the candidates of either party, and a sensation of unease prevails among a good part of the electorate. When the court is covered with mud, all the players end up getting slimed, and that's what seems to have happened with the affair around questionable campaign contributions. Tension At The Top The PLN appears to be slightly behind the PUSC according to recent opinion polls. That wouldn't be a big problem if the party was united around its candidate, but there are indications that that is not the case. First, a fair number of PLN deputies in the Legislative Assembly abstained on the vote that would have had their colleague Leonel Villalobos resign as a result of the recommendations made in the first of two reports handed down by the special government commission investigating links to drug trafficking earlier this year. That vote blotted out the request, made by PLN presidential candidate Carlos Manuel Castillo, for the expulsion of the controversial deputy especially because among those abstaining was none other than the president of the party's ethics tribunal. Then, in a letter made public a little later, former president Alberto Monge (of the PLN) stated that PUSC candidate Calderon was more believable than Jose Blandon. The letter left Castillo in a tight spot since he had bet all of his chips on Blandon's accusations. Initially, he had aimed to win by broadening the spectrum of those suspected of corruption - up till then, all the fire was aimed at the PLN camp - but he was neutralized by the Legislative Assembly vote and by Monge's letter. These incidents indicate that Castillo's strategists began an open confrontation with the PUSC without first having gone over the internal situation of their own party. Perhaps they didn't pay attention to this aspect because they felt sure of the open or covert support that they have been receiving from the business community, the major media, and important groups of professionals. As well, they assumed that a well-designed publicity campaign would be enough to win over the undecided vote, and they downplayed the importance of in-party negotiations between Castillo and the tendency led by Rolando Araya and influenced by former presidents Monge and Oduber who still carry weight inside the PLN. Ignoring this could produce a divorce between the leadership that is running the campaign and the party membership by weakening the elements that bring both levels together. The membership may become even more apathetic than it showed itself to be in the less than inspiring PLN convention last February. A Weak Candidacy Adding to the weakness shown by the PLN are the results of its May 3 national assembly held in order to nominate the candidates for deputies. After 24 hours of deliberations, the slate was ready; nonetheless, the results didn't please many. Resentments and divisions appeared in Castillo's camp and a number of prominent figures decided to drop out, at least provisionally, from the electoral contest. The director of the campaign coordination team, Alberto Fait, walked out in disgust from the assembly. Replacing him is the former Agriculture Minister Alberto Esquivel, who although having a broad experience in the business world, does not have much in the electoral field. His designation provoked ill-feeling in PLN ranks. The list of PLN candidates appears weak when put up against that of the PUSC. There is a notable lack of politicians experienced in parliamentary work, while the PUSC slate seems to bring together experience with new values. That slate was the result of negotiations between Calderon and his ardent rival inside the party, the neo-liberal economist and businessman, Miguel Angel Rodriguez. He heads the list for the San Jose province, and some of his supporters were nominated in other places where the PUSC stands a chance of winning. They make up a faction which could be difficult for Calderon to handle within the PUSC. However, Calderon has formed a strong team around him made up of men he trusts, experienced in parliamentary fights, and capable of neutralizing the leadership that Rodriguez will seek to exercise within the PUSC bench once the new government is sworn in in May 1990. The differences in the social make-up of both parties' slates are not appreciable. Both are conservative, including many large and small businessmen and a few professionals. All of them identify themselves with the program of structural changes being imposed on the country as a new economic and social model. Not surprisingly, there is a lack of popular leaders - no unionist, no campesino leader, and no leader of urban groups. This lack of representation is a good indication of the problems both parties have in channeling the demands coming from the popular movements. Only seven women figure in the slates - five for the PLN and two for the PUSC. This minority does not reflect the participation of women in both parties and contradicts what the candidates say about struggling for an equal role for women in politics. No Chance On The Left In spite of it all, the PLN still has a good chance to win in 1990 because the economic situation remains relatively stable, although this doesn't mean that the basic problems of the economy have been resolved. The current government isn't running into many big conflicts, and it appears capable of handling those that do occur. The wave of protests which began in the Atlantic province of El Limon on August 21 is the latest test. (See related article in this upload) However, in order to win the elections for the third time in a row, the PLN needs to bring its ranks together and put forward an attractive message. Continunig the debate around corruption or around which candidate is most capable of governing - a strategy apparently recommended by the US advisors that both parties are using - is equivalent to political suicide, especially if the PUSC doesn't take the bait and just goes about its campaign. Meanwhile, participation by the left in the elections doesn't look as though it will amount to much. Two blocs have been formed. One is made of the communist parties and other like-thinking groups - the United Peoples' Coalition - and the other by ex-socialists and other independent groups - the Progress Party. As well, the Revolutionary Workers' Party has announced that it will run alone. Although they call for change in an attempt to channel the popular discontent of the electorate, it will be difficult for them to overcome the prejudices against leftist proposals accumulated over the years. The situation is complicated even more by the fact that an expensive electoral industry has established itself and small political groupings do not have access to it. (By Manuel Rojas Bolanos. Pensamiento Propio #62, Aug. 1989) *** *** *** *** *** *** *** *** *** *** (We encourage feedback. Send comments, suggestions, etc. to us via e-mail. Address cdp!ni!cries) --- Patt Haring | UNITEX : United Nations patth@sci.ccny.cuny.edu | Information patth@ccnysci.BITNET | Transfer Exchange -=- Every child smiles in the same language. -=-