[misc.headlines.unitex] Central America Update - September 22, 1989

LADBAC@UNMB.BITNET (Dr. Barbara A. Kohl) (09/23/89)

September 22, 1989
     
CENTRAL AMERICA UPDATE
Copyright 1989
     
(Latin America Data Base, Latin American Institute, University
of New Mexico.  Project Director: Dr. Nelson Valdes.  Managing
Editor: Dr. Barbara A. Kohl)
     
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      GENERAL
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BUSH ADMINISTRATION REQUESTS $9 MILLION
FROM CONGRESS TO SUPPORT NICARAGUAN OPPOSITION
     
     On Sept. 21, the Bush administration submitted a
proposal to Congress requesting $9 million to assist
Nicaraguan opposition groups in their efforts to win the
February 1990 elections.  The proposal includes $4 million
for "non-partisan technical support of the election
process," and $5 million for the National Endowment for
Democracy to use in Nicaragua to support "the democratic
process."
     Under the proposal, the US Agency for International
Development would provide "$4 million for election support
intended to insure the conduct of free, fair and open
elections, through the National Opposition Union or other
grantees for their own purposes."  Some of this money could
be used for "contributions to the Supreme Electoral
Council," which supervises the campaign and the elections.
     The administration proposal said the $4 million could
also be used to pay for election monitoring by the United
Nations and former president Jimmy Carter; the use of
computers in registering voters and the ballot count; civic
education, and get-out-the-vote efforts.
     In a letter to congressional leaders, Secretary of
State James Baker stressed "how important it is that we do
everything possible to level the playing field" in an
election that "puts an under-financed democratic coalition
against an authoritarian state...In Nicaragua, the
Sandinistas are in a box.  They either hold a free and fair
election, or they will be exposed to the world as a
dictatorship."
     On the same day, former president Carter met with
President George Bush at the White House to report on his
recent visit to Nicaragua.  (See CAU 09/20/89 for report on
Carter's activities.)  After the briefing, Carter told
reporters he believed the Nicaraguan elections will be fair
because "all sides in Nicaragua now have agreed to
participate in the election under the present constitution
and laws under an agreement that was negotiated."
     Carter said he supported the administration's request
for monies to support the electoral process in Nicaragua.
(Basic data from AFP, Notimex, 09/21/89; New York Times,
09/22/89)
     
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     EL SALVADOR
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EL SALVADOR: OVER 100 LABOR UNION MEMBERS ARRESTED
     
     In interviews with Notimex on Sept. 21, Salvadoran
labor union leaders said that security forces had arrested
more than 100 workers in the past week.  On Sept. 18, about
70 union members demonstrated in San Salvador in an effort
to pressure the government for release of nine union leaders
recently detained by the armed forces.  Violence reportedly
broke out between demonstrators and government security
forces, resulting in the arrest of 45 persons.  As of Sept.
21, they had not been released from custody.
     Febe Elizabeth Velazquez, member of the executive board
of the Salvadoran Workers National Union Federation
(FENASTRAS), told Notimex that no amount of government
repression will "force us to hide under our beds."
     Velazquez said, "We are going to continue the struggle,
we are going to continue going into the streets...While the
government of Alfredo Cristiani is talking of dialogue,
everything to the contrary takes place here and our union
organizations are attacked by the armed forces."
     FENASTRAS has organized several protests demanding the
release from custody of labor union members and workers.
Employees of three companies in San Salvador commenced a
series of work stoppages to emphasize their demands.
     The government and the armed forces claim that
FENASTRAS is linked to the Farabundo Marti National
Liberation Front (FMLN).  Velazquez said the federation
categorically denies such accusations which are used to
"justify repression and detention of workers."
     On Sept. 21, armed forces spokespersons warned that
"vandalism" will not be tolerated.  (Basic data from
Notimex, 09/21/89)
     
EL SALVADOR: REPORT BY INDEPENDENT HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION
     
     According to a report released this week by the
independent Salvadoran Human Rights Commission (CDHES),
major human rights abuses against individuals numbered 2,757
in the first eight months of 1989.  The total included 1,512
assassinations, 1,100 abductions, and 145 disappearances.
     The report covered the entire country.  The CDHES did
not provide details on responsible parties.  (Basic data
from Notimex, 09/21/89)
     
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      GUATEMALA
*********************
     
GUATEMALA: CATHOLIC CHURCH LEADS IN FORMATION
OF ANTI-TERRORISM FRONT
     
     On Sept. 20, Guatemala City's Catholic Archbishop
Prospero Penados announced the formation of a church-led
anti-terrorism front, which includes labor unions and small
business organizations.  The front was created in response
to an escalation in political violence; in the past two
weeks alone, death squads committed at least 30 murders.
     According to government statistics, in the first half
of 1989, more than 1,500 Guatemalans were murdered, about
2,500 were victims of assault, and 800 abducted.  Human
rights organizations and victims' relatives claim
paramilitary groups linked to the security forces are
responsible for much of the violence.
     On Sept. 18, President Vinicio Cerezo acknowledged that
the security forces are involved in the violence.  He said
"extremists" had infiltrated some police and military units.
     Within the past two months, police have recorded more
than 40 bomb attacks, abductions of some 20 student leaders,
and the murders of dozens of people.  The AFP reported that
most of the homicide victims were student movement leaders.
     Next, there have been reports of an upsurge in death
threats against labor leaders, journalists, and Guatemalans
recently returned from refugee camps in Mexico.  In the
early 1980s, over 40,000 Indians fled their homes to Mexico
to escape unprecedented bloodshed and literal genocide
practiced by military governments against indigenous
communities.
     The Guatemalan Human Rights Commission and several
other Central American and Mexican student, humanitarian,
and labor organizations have publicly excoriated Cerezo for
failing to act against the death squads.  (Basic data from
AFP, 09/21/89)
     
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      HONDURAS
*********************
     
HONDURAS: ON POSTPONEMENT OF DEADLINE FOR
DEMOBILIZATION OF NICARAGUAN CONTRA ARMY
     
     On Sept. 16 in Tegucigalpa, contra military leader
Enrique Bermudez said the Dec. 8 deadline for contra
demobilization set by the five Central American presidents
in early August should be postponed, given the tremendous
difficulty of the task at hand.  He added that a
postponement would be relatively easy to arrange, given a
"positive attitude" on the part of the Nicaraguan
government.
     Bermudez and Aristides Sanchez, members of the
Nicaraguan Resistance directorate, met for three hours with
Hugo de Zela and Francesca Vendrell, representatives of the
International Support and Verification Commission (CIAV),
created by the United Nations and Organization of American
States secretaries general to provide assistance in the
demobilization, repatriation and relocation of the contras
and their families in Honduras.
     Zela said the CIAV would reconvene with contra leaders
in October.  Regarding the Dec. 8 deadline, he said the CIAV
is acting with the intent of following the calendar
established at the Tela summit in August, but that should
"circumstances" arise to change the deadline(s), "there
must be flexibility on all sides."
     On Sept. 19, Honduran President Jose Azcona Hoyo said
his government is willing to participate in demobilizing the
Nicaraguan contras.  However, he said, there must be
incentives for the contra fighters to repatriate, such as
fair elections.
     Meanwhile, Honduran union leaders have made public
statements asserting that if the contras refuse to leave
Honduras, immigration laws could be applied to deport them.
Moreover, some have said that the workers have their own
plans to "defend the country's sovereignty" should the
contras refuse to respect the Tela summit accords.  (Basic
data from and that the workers have their own plans to
defend the country's sovereignty should the contras refuse
to respect the summit accords.  (Basic data from Notimex,
09/16/89; Xinhua, 09/19/89)
     
NICARAGUAN CONTRAS BEGIN HOSPITAL CONSTRUCTION
IN YAMALES, EL PARAISO DEPARTMENT, HONDURAS
     
     According to a Sept. 16 report by Notimex, Nicaraguan
contras camped in the Yamales valley, El Paraiso department,
Honduras, have commenced construction of a $100,000
hospital.  The construction site is in an area known as "El
Estrategico," or the contras' main camp, located about 10
km. from the Nicaraguan border.
     In a tour of the site, a contra commander known as
Johnson told Notimex that the new hospital will contain an
intensive care unit, several treatment rooms, and 60 beds,
at least initially.  When the contras leave the country, he
said, the hospital will fall under Hondurans' control.
     The contras occupy 750 square kilometers of El Paraiso
department.
     
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      NICARAGUA
*********************
     
NICARAGUA: U.N.O. PRESIDENTIAL
CANDIDATE BARRIOS DE CHAMORRO IN MIAMI
     
     In several public appearances on Sept. 17-18 in Miami,
Violeta Barrios de Chamorro explained her electoral
strategy, and asked for financial and political support from
the city's large Nicaraguan exile community.  She said she
would concentrate on persuading Nicaraguan women to vote
against President Daniel Ortega, the Sandinista National
Liberation Front's likely presidential candidate in February
1990.
     According to Barrios de Chamorro, the latest opinion
polls show that about 20% of some 1.5 million Nicaraguans of
voting age are staunch Sandinista supporters; around 30%
oppose President Ortega; and the remaining 50% are
undecided.
     The candidate asked that checks be sent to a special
account she had just opened at the Miami office of Merrill
Lynch & Co.
     On Sept. 18, Jose Antonio Alvarado, Nicaraguan-born
investment banker and a sponsor of Chamorro's Miami trip,
said about $20,000 would be collected during her visit.
Most of the money, he added, would come from a $100-a-plate
fund-raiser organized in cooperation with the anti-Castro
Cuban American National Foundation.
     Silvio Arguello Cardenal, leader of the Nicaraguan
Liberal Party, and a former vice president, told the New
York Times: "Violeta became opposition candidate because of
the pressure of the United States State Department.  She is
seeking the unity of the exiles but has not made it clear
what her government would do."
     According to Arguello, many exiles in Miami were
"victims of Sandinista confiscatory decrees" that Chamorro
signed as a member of a five-member Sandinista junta
installed after the 1979 overthrow of the Somoza regime.
"But if she promises to repudiate those decrees our position
would change," he added.
     The Times pointed out that while many of the Nicaraguan
exiles oppose the Sandinistas, they fear deportation in the
event the elections are evaluated to be fair by the world
community, regardless of who wins.  Arguello said only
30,000 Nicaraguans in Miami are permanent US residents.  He
added that the immigration status of the rest will remain
undecided until after the February elections.  (Basic data
from New York Times, 09/19/89)
     
NICARAGUA TO SPEND $10.6 MILLION FOR ELECTORAL PROCESS;
SUPREME ELECTORAL COUNCIL ESTIMATES $25 MILLION REQUIRED
     
     On Sept. 5, the Nicaraguan National Assembly approved a
2.7 billion cordoba (about US$10.6 million) budget for the
1989-90 electoral process.  The Supreme Electoral Council
estimates that a total $25 million expenditure is required.
     Of the 2.7 billion cordobas approved by the Assembly,
17.4 million cordobas ($695,000) were allocated for campaign
spending to be distributed to all parties and coalitions
running candidates in the February elections.  Opposition
parties represented in the Assembly complained that the
campaign allocation is wholly inadequate.  The loudest
objections were raised by the Democratic Conservative Party
(PCD) which claims it needs at least $2 million for
campaigning.  PCD Deputy Enrique Sotelo said, "It's like
being invited to a party when there's not even enough to pay
for the music."  A deputy representing the Sandinista
National Liberation Front (FSLN) suggested that opposition
parties request financial assistance from foreign sources
for their campaigns.
     According to CRIES, some opposition candidates will
receive financing from US-based organizations linked to the
National Endowment for Democracy (NED).  CRIES cites a New
York Times report on a planned contribution by the National
Democratic Institute.  A breakdown of the Institute's
contribution has $500,000 going to aid democratic and civic
political organizations, $550,000 for communications
activities, $200,000 for opinion polls, and $35,000 for
international election observers.  Next, since Nicaraguan
organizations such as Via Civica are effectively fronts for
opposition parties, it can be assumed that some of the funds
they receive from the NED and other sources will be
channeled to opposition candidates' campaigns.  (Basic data
from 09/12/89 report by Regional Coordination for Economic
and Social Research of Central America and the
Caribbean-CRIES, Managua)
     
NICARAGUA: PRESIDENT OF SUPREME ELECTORAL COUNCIL ON
TECHNICAL ASPECTS OF ELECTION PREPARATIONS
     
     The Supreme Electoral Council (SEC), charged with
oversight and organization of Nicaragua's electoral process,
including voter registration and the Feb. 25, 1990
balloting.  In an interview published in the Sept. 1 issue
of Barricada, official newspaper of the Sandinista National
Liberation Front (FSLN), SEC president Mariano Fiallos
Oyanguren addressed several technical aspects of the
electoral process.
     Financing: Funding derives from the national government
budget.  Donations and taxes will be placed in a special
electoral budget account.  Fiallos said, "To the extent we
receive foreign financing, the amount derived from taxes
will be reduced."
     As of early September, said Fiallos, Nicaragua had
received $3.5 million from foreign donors.  West Germany and
Spain contributed $1.6 million and $250,000, respectively,
for computer equipment.  Sweden donated $595,000 for
technical assistance, equipment, and other materials.
Finland provided $685,000 for paper, and Switzerland,
$150,000 for computer equipment and paper.  Canada chipped
in $40,000.  US-based groups Quest for Peace/Quixote Center
and Nicaragua Network donated $250,000 for pens, pencils,
and felt markers.
      "The operations that will eat up most of the budget
are voter registration and the voting itself.  For instance,
for the registration, 50,000 Nicaraguans have to be
mobilized to staff the 1,393 polling stations during the
first four Sundays in October.  In addition, as a result of
the Aug. 3-4 agreements..., we have the responsibility of
mobilizing and paying travel expenses for all parties' poll
watchers--between 20,000 and 30,000 people."
     Prevention of multiple voting: "Voting must occur in
the same neighborhood in which the citizen registers.  This
means that everyone registers in her/his neighborhood, in
front of neighbors and political party observers.  No one
can vote anywhere else but at their registration location.
     "On the document to be given to citizens who register
there will be a seal, a stamp, which will make it useless
for voting twice.  In addition, indelible ink will be used
with the additional guarantee that the finger will first be
cleaned with acetone in order to prevent certain tricks that
have occured in other countries where people put grease or
vaseline on their finger so that the ink can't penetrate."
     Observers: "The CSE, the Foreign Ministry, and the
political parties through the CSE can invite and accredit
observers whose functions are the following: observe, see
what is happening, inform themselves, and draft a report for
the organizations they belong to in line with the agreements
that those bodies have made with the CSE and the government.
     "There will two kinds of observers.  Official ones are
those who belong to the teams sent by the United Nations and
the Organization of American States.  Accredited ones are
those that belong to delegations sent by governments,
political parties, and other non-governmental
organizations...Other interested persons and journalists can
also observe as long as they meet requirements of the
Immigration Department.  They will not be considered
official observers..."  (Basic data from 09/12/89 report by
Regional Coordination for Economic and Social Research of
Central America and the Caribbean-CRIES, Managua)
     
QUESTIONS & ANSWERS ON NICARAGUA'S ELECTORAL PROCESS
     
     [Appearing below are selected portions of a set of
common questions and responses regarding Nicaragua's
electoral process culminating in the Feb. 25, 1990 general
elections distributed Sept. 5 by Agendas International (New
York, NY).  The report by Agendas International is based in
part on an analysis by Hemisphere Initiatives titled,
"Establishing the Ground Rules: A Report on the Nicaraguan
Electoral Process."]
     
     Q.  Were not the Sandinistas responsible for
establishing minimal requirements for legalization of
political parties that encouraged fragmentation, and thus
the impossibility of one party obtaining a majority?
     A.  The Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) has
consistently advocated more stringent requirements for
political groups soliciting legal party status.  In the
October 1988 Electoral Law, the FSLN originally proposed
that a party must receive 5% of the vote to obtain
representation in the National Assembly.  The 1988
legislation required groups soliciting legal status to have
established party organizations in all nine regions, all 14
departments and all 139 municipalities.  This organizational
structure required a minimum of 850 party members.  The FSLN
also proposed that campaign funds be allocated according to
voting strength.
     Under the April 1989 electoral reforms, an expedited
procedure was established for the 1989/90 electoral process.
The new requirements for political party legalization are
less rigorous and came in response to opposition demands.
The opposition complained that the 1988 legislation imposed
almost insurmountable difficulties for parties to obtain
legal status.  The April reforms require party organizations
at the national level and in the nine regions, thereby
reducing minimum party membership to a few dozen.
     Q.  The person who wields real control on the Supreme
Electoral Council (SEC) is the president.  Since this person
is a Sandinista, isn't it accurate to say that he will use
his position to advance the interests of the FSLN?
     A.  The SEC president's duties are primarily
administrative.  In its July 1989 analysis of Nicaragua's
electoral law reforms, a United Nations technical mission
reached the following conclusion: "The topic of the CSE
presidency, in spite of the intensity with which the subject
is at times discussed, does not appear to be of great
importance...The functions of the CSE president are...of
administration, subordinate to the collegiate body; any
abuse by the president would be rectified immediately by
Council decisions that the president could not fail to
heed."
     Q.  The Sandinistas control the largest standing army
in Central America.  Shouldn't they be excluded from voting
since they will certainly follow the directives of their
superiors who are militant Sandinistas?
     A.  This topic was also addressed in the UN technical
mission's report.  The report said, "the opposition demand
that military personnel be prohibited from voting does not
seem reasonable."  The UN mission pointed out Nicaragua's
exceptional circumstances, mainly a large-scale mobilization
of youth into the military to fight contra forces for the
past eight years.  Next, the number of Nicaraguans serving
in the military is such that denying them the right to vote
would adversely affect the principle of universal sufferage.
     The August political agreement confirms that military
personnel must both register and vote at the nearest voter
precinct and not on military bases.
     Q.  Why have the Sandinistas prohibited Nicaraguans
who left the country to escape the war and poor economic
conditions from casting absentee ballots?  Are they afraid
the refugees will vote against the FSLN?
     A.  This is not an unusual situation for Central
America.  Not a single Central American country, including
Costa Rica, permits absentee voting.  Nicaraguan
legislation, in fact, is more liberal than that of other
Central American countries in that it permits Nicaraguans to
register abroad.  Once registered, Nicaraguans are free to
return home and vote.  In addition, in marked contrast with
its neighbors, the Nicaraguan government is working with the
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) and other international organizations to provide
guarantees for the safety of refugees, opposition figures,
and members of the Nicaraguan Resistance, who wish to return
to Nicaragua permanently, or temporarily in order to vote.
     Q.  Isn't it accurate to say that the Sandinistas have
restricted foreign financial aid to the opposition because
they fear losing the elections?
     A.  The October 1988 Election Law allocated government
funds to political parties in accordance with previous
election results.  It also prohibited receipt of any foreign
funds by political parties and specified that domestic
contributions must come from individuals rather than
organizations.  The opposition was particularly critical of
these provisions, despite the fact that many countries,
including the US, prohibit foreign financing of political
campaigns.
     Under the April 1989 reforms, political parties and
coalitions may receive unlimited foreign contributions, but
all contributions must be administered through the CSE and
are subject to an electoral tax.  Under CSE regulations, 50%
of all cash donations would go to the parties soliciting the
contributions, while the other 50% would go into a "Fund for
Democracy" to be used to cover the administrative costs of
the election.  A separate procedure has also been
established for capital goods and in kind donations.  Next,
parties are exonerated from taxes on original donations
totaling up to a value of US$20,000.
     The April reforms also changed the formula for
distributing government monies so that 50% of these funds
will be divided equally among the parties or alliances,
while the other 50% will be allocated according to their
electoral performance in the prior election.  The August
agreement did not alter the laws governing campaign
financing.
     Q.  How can the opposition have a chance to get its
views out to the people when the Sandinistas control all TV
stations, most of the major newspapers, radio stations,
etc.?
     A.  Opposition parties wanted an independent,
opposition-controlled TV station to compete with the two
state-controlled stations.  They wanted no limits on the
amount of advertising time that could be purchased from
private radio stations.  They wanted equal access, not the
Sandinista proposed system that time be granted on the basis
on previous vote totals.
     Under the April 1989 electoral and media reform laws,
the government agreed to make one of the two state-owned TV
stations available to the opposition from August 25 to
election date.  The political agreement also directs the CSE
to provide (between August 25 and December 2) 30 minutes of
free TV programming every evening to be distributed equally
among the political parties or alliances.  These programs
began to be aired on Channel 6 on August 25.
     Q.  No matter what laws are passed or agreements signed
by the Sandinistas, the fact is that the Sandinistas have
never kept their word or lived up to any agreement which
they signed.  Why should anyone believe them now?
     A.  Aside from the dubious nature of claims regarding
the Sandinistas' failure to abide by previous agreements, it
is not necessary in this case to rely on the government's
commitment to compliance.  The Nicaraguan government has
invited the United Nations and the Organization of American
States to act as official observers to the electoral process
and the 1990 elections.  In the 1987 Esquipulas II regional
accords, the Central American presidents themselves
designated the OAS and the UN as the organizations
responsible for verifying the purity of elections in region.
     The OAS has already established permanent observer
teams in each of Nicaragua's departments and in late August,
13 UN officials began permanent monitoring of the electoral
process.  Participation of UN monitors to observe elections
in a sovereign country is without precedent.
     In addition, former US president Jimmy Carter has been
invited to head a delegation of observers in Nicaragua at
any time during the electoral process.  He and his
delegation were given guarantees of freedom of movement, and
unrestricted access to all voting areas.
     
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       PANAMA
*********************
     
PANAMA: ADOC'S LEADER GUILLERMO ENDARA ON HUNGER STRIKE
TO CALL ATTENTION TO OPPOSITION CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE CAMPAIGN
     
     On Sept. 20, former presidential candidate of the Civil
Democratic Opposition Alliance (ADOC) Guillermo Endara
commenced a hunger strike to call attention to the
opposition's civil disobedience campaign against the
provisional government.  "I declare myself on an indefinite
hunger strike until the `Not One Cent More for the
Government' campaign is recognized and supported by the
Panamanian people," he said.
     Endara was referring to a campaign launched last month
by ADOC exhorting Panamanians to delay utility, tax and
other payments to the government.  The opposition effort has
been largely ignored.
     At ADOC headquarters, Endara said, "I will follow all
that is applicable from the rules written by Mahatma Gandhi
for his hunger strike of November 1925."
     On the same day, ADOC leaders and former vice
presidential candidates Guillermo Ford and Ricardo Arias
Calderon, began a diplomatic initiative to seek support for
their demand that Gen. Manuel Antonio Noriega resign as
commander-in-chief of the Panamanian Defense Forces, and as
Panama's de facto ruler.  They are to tour Jamaica, Britain,
Italy, Spain, West Germany, Belgium, France, Canada and the
US.
     In Washington, the Organization of American States
(OAS) voted to include the Panamanian political crisis for
discussion during its General Assembly scheduled to begin in
mid-November.
     On Sept. 21, the Panamanian government warned it would
prosecute anyone who attempts to disrupt public order.
(Basic data from AFP, 09/20/89, 09/21/89; Xinhua, 09/20/89)
     
PANAMA: U.S. ARMY OFFICER DIES IN FALL FROM BUILDING
     
     On Sept. 19, US Lt.Col. Lee Jalesowski died in a fall
from the third story of a building at Fort Clayton, 17 km.
northeast of Panama City.  US Southern Command officials
reported the incident on Sept. 20, but gave no details.
     Pro-government newspaper Critica reported that
Jalesowski was a member of a US Army intelligence unit, and
that he was thrown to his death.  The Southern Command
denied the report that the officer was murdered.  (Basic
data from AFP, 09/21/89)
     
PANAMA: REPORT ON RAPE BY U.S. SOLDIERS
     
     In its Sept. 18 issue, El Matutino reported that three
US soldiers identified as Kristian Johnson, James
Stratzinger and Juan Ocasio, Jr., had been arrested for
allegedly raping two women in Panama City.  THe three, said
the newspaper, "were found drugged and in a complete state
of intoxication" Sept. 17 after they allegedly raped the
women and "threw" them from a moving car.
     In a telephone interview with the AFP, an unidentified
US Southern Command spokesperson said he was unaware of the
report, and declined comment.  (Basic data from AFP,
09/18/89)
     
BAHAMAS SUSPENDS DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH PANAMA
     
     On Sept. 16, a press communique from the Foreign
Ministry of the Bahamas said that all official contact with
the Panamanian government has been suspended.  "The Bahamas
government maintains no diplomatic relations with Panama and
in view of the new developments now obtaining in that
country, the Bahamas suspends all official contact with
Panama."  (Basic data from Xinhua, 09/16/89)
     
PANAMA: OPPOSITION NEWSPAPER PUBLISHER ARRESTED
     
     On Sept. 15, owner-publisher of El Siglo, Jaime Padilla
Beliz, was arrested by about 15 armed plainclothesmen, said
Venus Cardenas, one of Padilla's lawyers.  El Siglo,
critical of Gen. Manuel Antonio Noriega, was closed down by
the government in July 1987 on charges of undermining the
physical and economic security of the state.
     Padilla was taken away from the offices of the Padilla
y Asociados law firm.  He is a senior partner in the firm.
(Basic data from AP, 09/15/89)
     
     
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