LADBAC@UNMB.BITNET (Dr. Barbara A. Kohl) (09/23/89)
September 22, 1989 CENTRAL AMERICA UPDATE Copyright 1989 (Latin America Data Base, Latin American Institute, University of New Mexico. Project Director: Dr. Nelson Valdes. Managing Editor: Dr. Barbara A. Kohl) ******************** GENERAL ******************** BUSH ADMINISTRATION REQUESTS $9 MILLION FROM CONGRESS TO SUPPORT NICARAGUAN OPPOSITION On Sept. 21, the Bush administration submitted a proposal to Congress requesting $9 million to assist Nicaraguan opposition groups in their efforts to win the February 1990 elections. The proposal includes $4 million for "non-partisan technical support of the election process," and $5 million for the National Endowment for Democracy to use in Nicaragua to support "the democratic process." Under the proposal, the US Agency for International Development would provide "$4 million for election support intended to insure the conduct of free, fair and open elections, through the National Opposition Union or other grantees for their own purposes." Some of this money could be used for "contributions to the Supreme Electoral Council," which supervises the campaign and the elections. The administration proposal said the $4 million could also be used to pay for election monitoring by the United Nations and former president Jimmy Carter; the use of computers in registering voters and the ballot count; civic education, and get-out-the-vote efforts. In a letter to congressional leaders, Secretary of State James Baker stressed "how important it is that we do everything possible to level the playing field" in an election that "puts an under-financed democratic coalition against an authoritarian state...In Nicaragua, the Sandinistas are in a box. They either hold a free and fair election, or they will be exposed to the world as a dictatorship." On the same day, former president Carter met with President George Bush at the White House to report on his recent visit to Nicaragua. (See CAU 09/20/89 for report on Carter's activities.) After the briefing, Carter told reporters he believed the Nicaraguan elections will be fair because "all sides in Nicaragua now have agreed to participate in the election under the present constitution and laws under an agreement that was negotiated." Carter said he supported the administration's request for monies to support the electoral process in Nicaragua. (Basic data from AFP, Notimex, 09/21/89; New York Times, 09/22/89) ********************* EL SALVADOR ********************* EL SALVADOR: OVER 100 LABOR UNION MEMBERS ARRESTED In interviews with Notimex on Sept. 21, Salvadoran labor union leaders said that security forces had arrested more than 100 workers in the past week. On Sept. 18, about 70 union members demonstrated in San Salvador in an effort to pressure the government for release of nine union leaders recently detained by the armed forces. Violence reportedly broke out between demonstrators and government security forces, resulting in the arrest of 45 persons. As of Sept. 21, they had not been released from custody. Febe Elizabeth Velazquez, member of the executive board of the Salvadoran Workers National Union Federation (FENASTRAS), told Notimex that no amount of government repression will "force us to hide under our beds." Velazquez said, "We are going to continue the struggle, we are going to continue going into the streets...While the government of Alfredo Cristiani is talking of dialogue, everything to the contrary takes place here and our union organizations are attacked by the armed forces." FENASTRAS has organized several protests demanding the release from custody of labor union members and workers. Employees of three companies in San Salvador commenced a series of work stoppages to emphasize their demands. The government and the armed forces claim that FENASTRAS is linked to the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN). Velazquez said the federation categorically denies such accusations which are used to "justify repression and detention of workers." On Sept. 21, armed forces spokespersons warned that "vandalism" will not be tolerated. (Basic data from Notimex, 09/21/89) EL SALVADOR: REPORT BY INDEPENDENT HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION According to a report released this week by the independent Salvadoran Human Rights Commission (CDHES), major human rights abuses against individuals numbered 2,757 in the first eight months of 1989. The total included 1,512 assassinations, 1,100 abductions, and 145 disappearances. The report covered the entire country. The CDHES did not provide details on responsible parties. (Basic data from Notimex, 09/21/89) ********************* GUATEMALA ********************* GUATEMALA: CATHOLIC CHURCH LEADS IN FORMATION OF ANTI-TERRORISM FRONT On Sept. 20, Guatemala City's Catholic Archbishop Prospero Penados announced the formation of a church-led anti-terrorism front, which includes labor unions and small business organizations. The front was created in response to an escalation in political violence; in the past two weeks alone, death squads committed at least 30 murders. According to government statistics, in the first half of 1989, more than 1,500 Guatemalans were murdered, about 2,500 were victims of assault, and 800 abducted. Human rights organizations and victims' relatives claim paramilitary groups linked to the security forces are responsible for much of the violence. On Sept. 18, President Vinicio Cerezo acknowledged that the security forces are involved in the violence. He said "extremists" had infiltrated some police and military units. Within the past two months, police have recorded more than 40 bomb attacks, abductions of some 20 student leaders, and the murders of dozens of people. The AFP reported that most of the homicide victims were student movement leaders. Next, there have been reports of an upsurge in death threats against labor leaders, journalists, and Guatemalans recently returned from refugee camps in Mexico. In the early 1980s, over 40,000 Indians fled their homes to Mexico to escape unprecedented bloodshed and literal genocide practiced by military governments against indigenous communities. The Guatemalan Human Rights Commission and several other Central American and Mexican student, humanitarian, and labor organizations have publicly excoriated Cerezo for failing to act against the death squads. (Basic data from AFP, 09/21/89) ********************* HONDURAS ********************* HONDURAS: ON POSTPONEMENT OF DEADLINE FOR DEMOBILIZATION OF NICARAGUAN CONTRA ARMY On Sept. 16 in Tegucigalpa, contra military leader Enrique Bermudez said the Dec. 8 deadline for contra demobilization set by the five Central American presidents in early August should be postponed, given the tremendous difficulty of the task at hand. He added that a postponement would be relatively easy to arrange, given a "positive attitude" on the part of the Nicaraguan government. Bermudez and Aristides Sanchez, members of the Nicaraguan Resistance directorate, met for three hours with Hugo de Zela and Francesca Vendrell, representatives of the International Support and Verification Commission (CIAV), created by the United Nations and Organization of American States secretaries general to provide assistance in the demobilization, repatriation and relocation of the contras and their families in Honduras. Zela said the CIAV would reconvene with contra leaders in October. Regarding the Dec. 8 deadline, he said the CIAV is acting with the intent of following the calendar established at the Tela summit in August, but that should "circumstances" arise to change the deadline(s), "there must be flexibility on all sides." On Sept. 19, Honduran President Jose Azcona Hoyo said his government is willing to participate in demobilizing the Nicaraguan contras. However, he said, there must be incentives for the contra fighters to repatriate, such as fair elections. Meanwhile, Honduran union leaders have made public statements asserting that if the contras refuse to leave Honduras, immigration laws could be applied to deport them. Moreover, some have said that the workers have their own plans to "defend the country's sovereignty" should the contras refuse to respect the Tela summit accords. (Basic data from and that the workers have their own plans to defend the country's sovereignty should the contras refuse to respect the summit accords. (Basic data from Notimex, 09/16/89; Xinhua, 09/19/89) NICARAGUAN CONTRAS BEGIN HOSPITAL CONSTRUCTION IN YAMALES, EL PARAISO DEPARTMENT, HONDURAS According to a Sept. 16 report by Notimex, Nicaraguan contras camped in the Yamales valley, El Paraiso department, Honduras, have commenced construction of a $100,000 hospital. The construction site is in an area known as "El Estrategico," or the contras' main camp, located about 10 km. from the Nicaraguan border. In a tour of the site, a contra commander known as Johnson told Notimex that the new hospital will contain an intensive care unit, several treatment rooms, and 60 beds, at least initially. When the contras leave the country, he said, the hospital will fall under Hondurans' control. The contras occupy 750 square kilometers of El Paraiso department. ********************* NICARAGUA ********************* NICARAGUA: U.N.O. PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE BARRIOS DE CHAMORRO IN MIAMI In several public appearances on Sept. 17-18 in Miami, Violeta Barrios de Chamorro explained her electoral strategy, and asked for financial and political support from the city's large Nicaraguan exile community. She said she would concentrate on persuading Nicaraguan women to vote against President Daniel Ortega, the Sandinista National Liberation Front's likely presidential candidate in February 1990. According to Barrios de Chamorro, the latest opinion polls show that about 20% of some 1.5 million Nicaraguans of voting age are staunch Sandinista supporters; around 30% oppose President Ortega; and the remaining 50% are undecided. The candidate asked that checks be sent to a special account she had just opened at the Miami office of Merrill Lynch & Co. On Sept. 18, Jose Antonio Alvarado, Nicaraguan-born investment banker and a sponsor of Chamorro's Miami trip, said about $20,000 would be collected during her visit. Most of the money, he added, would come from a $100-a-plate fund-raiser organized in cooperation with the anti-Castro Cuban American National Foundation. Silvio Arguello Cardenal, leader of the Nicaraguan Liberal Party, and a former vice president, told the New York Times: "Violeta became opposition candidate because of the pressure of the United States State Department. She is seeking the unity of the exiles but has not made it clear what her government would do." According to Arguello, many exiles in Miami were "victims of Sandinista confiscatory decrees" that Chamorro signed as a member of a five-member Sandinista junta installed after the 1979 overthrow of the Somoza regime. "But if she promises to repudiate those decrees our position would change," he added. The Times pointed out that while many of the Nicaraguan exiles oppose the Sandinistas, they fear deportation in the event the elections are evaluated to be fair by the world community, regardless of who wins. Arguello said only 30,000 Nicaraguans in Miami are permanent US residents. He added that the immigration status of the rest will remain undecided until after the February elections. (Basic data from New York Times, 09/19/89) NICARAGUA TO SPEND $10.6 MILLION FOR ELECTORAL PROCESS; SUPREME ELECTORAL COUNCIL ESTIMATES $25 MILLION REQUIRED On Sept. 5, the Nicaraguan National Assembly approved a 2.7 billion cordoba (about US$10.6 million) budget for the 1989-90 electoral process. The Supreme Electoral Council estimates that a total $25 million expenditure is required. Of the 2.7 billion cordobas approved by the Assembly, 17.4 million cordobas ($695,000) were allocated for campaign spending to be distributed to all parties and coalitions running candidates in the February elections. Opposition parties represented in the Assembly complained that the campaign allocation is wholly inadequate. The loudest objections were raised by the Democratic Conservative Party (PCD) which claims it needs at least $2 million for campaigning. PCD Deputy Enrique Sotelo said, "It's like being invited to a party when there's not even enough to pay for the music." A deputy representing the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) suggested that opposition parties request financial assistance from foreign sources for their campaigns. According to CRIES, some opposition candidates will receive financing from US-based organizations linked to the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). CRIES cites a New York Times report on a planned contribution by the National Democratic Institute. A breakdown of the Institute's contribution has $500,000 going to aid democratic and civic political organizations, $550,000 for communications activities, $200,000 for opinion polls, and $35,000 for international election observers. Next, since Nicaraguan organizations such as Via Civica are effectively fronts for opposition parties, it can be assumed that some of the funds they receive from the NED and other sources will be channeled to opposition candidates' campaigns. (Basic data from 09/12/89 report by Regional Coordination for Economic and Social Research of Central America and the Caribbean-CRIES, Managua) NICARAGUA: PRESIDENT OF SUPREME ELECTORAL COUNCIL ON TECHNICAL ASPECTS OF ELECTION PREPARATIONS The Supreme Electoral Council (SEC), charged with oversight and organization of Nicaragua's electoral process, including voter registration and the Feb. 25, 1990 balloting. In an interview published in the Sept. 1 issue of Barricada, official newspaper of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), SEC president Mariano Fiallos Oyanguren addressed several technical aspects of the electoral process. Financing: Funding derives from the national government budget. Donations and taxes will be placed in a special electoral budget account. Fiallos said, "To the extent we receive foreign financing, the amount derived from taxes will be reduced." As of early September, said Fiallos, Nicaragua had received $3.5 million from foreign donors. West Germany and Spain contributed $1.6 million and $250,000, respectively, for computer equipment. Sweden donated $595,000 for technical assistance, equipment, and other materials. Finland provided $685,000 for paper, and Switzerland, $150,000 for computer equipment and paper. Canada chipped in $40,000. US-based groups Quest for Peace/Quixote Center and Nicaragua Network donated $250,000 for pens, pencils, and felt markers. "The operations that will eat up most of the budget are voter registration and the voting itself. For instance, for the registration, 50,000 Nicaraguans have to be mobilized to staff the 1,393 polling stations during the first four Sundays in October. In addition, as a result of the Aug. 3-4 agreements..., we have the responsibility of mobilizing and paying travel expenses for all parties' poll watchers--between 20,000 and 30,000 people." Prevention of multiple voting: "Voting must occur in the same neighborhood in which the citizen registers. This means that everyone registers in her/his neighborhood, in front of neighbors and political party observers. No one can vote anywhere else but at their registration location. "On the document to be given to citizens who register there will be a seal, a stamp, which will make it useless for voting twice. In addition, indelible ink will be used with the additional guarantee that the finger will first be cleaned with acetone in order to prevent certain tricks that have occured in other countries where people put grease or vaseline on their finger so that the ink can't penetrate." Observers: "The CSE, the Foreign Ministry, and the political parties through the CSE can invite and accredit observers whose functions are the following: observe, see what is happening, inform themselves, and draft a report for the organizations they belong to in line with the agreements that those bodies have made with the CSE and the government. "There will two kinds of observers. Official ones are those who belong to the teams sent by the United Nations and the Organization of American States. Accredited ones are those that belong to delegations sent by governments, political parties, and other non-governmental organizations...Other interested persons and journalists can also observe as long as they meet requirements of the Immigration Department. They will not be considered official observers..." (Basic data from 09/12/89 report by Regional Coordination for Economic and Social Research of Central America and the Caribbean-CRIES, Managua) QUESTIONS & ANSWERS ON NICARAGUA'S ELECTORAL PROCESS [Appearing below are selected portions of a set of common questions and responses regarding Nicaragua's electoral process culminating in the Feb. 25, 1990 general elections distributed Sept. 5 by Agendas International (New York, NY). The report by Agendas International is based in part on an analysis by Hemisphere Initiatives titled, "Establishing the Ground Rules: A Report on the Nicaraguan Electoral Process."] Q. Were not the Sandinistas responsible for establishing minimal requirements for legalization of political parties that encouraged fragmentation, and thus the impossibility of one party obtaining a majority? A. The Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) has consistently advocated more stringent requirements for political groups soliciting legal party status. In the October 1988 Electoral Law, the FSLN originally proposed that a party must receive 5% of the vote to obtain representation in the National Assembly. The 1988 legislation required groups soliciting legal status to have established party organizations in all nine regions, all 14 departments and all 139 municipalities. This organizational structure required a minimum of 850 party members. The FSLN also proposed that campaign funds be allocated according to voting strength. Under the April 1989 electoral reforms, an expedited procedure was established for the 1989/90 electoral process. The new requirements for political party legalization are less rigorous and came in response to opposition demands. The opposition complained that the 1988 legislation imposed almost insurmountable difficulties for parties to obtain legal status. The April reforms require party organizations at the national level and in the nine regions, thereby reducing minimum party membership to a few dozen. Q. The person who wields real control on the Supreme Electoral Council (SEC) is the president. Since this person is a Sandinista, isn't it accurate to say that he will use his position to advance the interests of the FSLN? A. The SEC president's duties are primarily administrative. In its July 1989 analysis of Nicaragua's electoral law reforms, a United Nations technical mission reached the following conclusion: "The topic of the CSE presidency, in spite of the intensity with which the subject is at times discussed, does not appear to be of great importance...The functions of the CSE president are...of administration, subordinate to the collegiate body; any abuse by the president would be rectified immediately by Council decisions that the president could not fail to heed." Q. The Sandinistas control the largest standing army in Central America. Shouldn't they be excluded from voting since they will certainly follow the directives of their superiors who are militant Sandinistas? A. This topic was also addressed in the UN technical mission's report. The report said, "the opposition demand that military personnel be prohibited from voting does not seem reasonable." The UN mission pointed out Nicaragua's exceptional circumstances, mainly a large-scale mobilization of youth into the military to fight contra forces for the past eight years. Next, the number of Nicaraguans serving in the military is such that denying them the right to vote would adversely affect the principle of universal sufferage. The August political agreement confirms that military personnel must both register and vote at the nearest voter precinct and not on military bases. Q. Why have the Sandinistas prohibited Nicaraguans who left the country to escape the war and poor economic conditions from casting absentee ballots? Are they afraid the refugees will vote against the FSLN? A. This is not an unusual situation for Central America. Not a single Central American country, including Costa Rica, permits absentee voting. Nicaraguan legislation, in fact, is more liberal than that of other Central American countries in that it permits Nicaraguans to register abroad. Once registered, Nicaraguans are free to return home and vote. In addition, in marked contrast with its neighbors, the Nicaraguan government is working with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other international organizations to provide guarantees for the safety of refugees, opposition figures, and members of the Nicaraguan Resistance, who wish to return to Nicaragua permanently, or temporarily in order to vote. Q. Isn't it accurate to say that the Sandinistas have restricted foreign financial aid to the opposition because they fear losing the elections? A. The October 1988 Election Law allocated government funds to political parties in accordance with previous election results. It also prohibited receipt of any foreign funds by political parties and specified that domestic contributions must come from individuals rather than organizations. The opposition was particularly critical of these provisions, despite the fact that many countries, including the US, prohibit foreign financing of political campaigns. Under the April 1989 reforms, political parties and coalitions may receive unlimited foreign contributions, but all contributions must be administered through the CSE and are subject to an electoral tax. Under CSE regulations, 50% of all cash donations would go to the parties soliciting the contributions, while the other 50% would go into a "Fund for Democracy" to be used to cover the administrative costs of the election. A separate procedure has also been established for capital goods and in kind donations. Next, parties are exonerated from taxes on original donations totaling up to a value of US$20,000. The April reforms also changed the formula for distributing government monies so that 50% of these funds will be divided equally among the parties or alliances, while the other 50% will be allocated according to their electoral performance in the prior election. The August agreement did not alter the laws governing campaign financing. Q. How can the opposition have a chance to get its views out to the people when the Sandinistas control all TV stations, most of the major newspapers, radio stations, etc.? A. Opposition parties wanted an independent, opposition-controlled TV station to compete with the two state-controlled stations. They wanted no limits on the amount of advertising time that could be purchased from private radio stations. They wanted equal access, not the Sandinista proposed system that time be granted on the basis on previous vote totals. Under the April 1989 electoral and media reform laws, the government agreed to make one of the two state-owned TV stations available to the opposition from August 25 to election date. The political agreement also directs the CSE to provide (between August 25 and December 2) 30 minutes of free TV programming every evening to be distributed equally among the political parties or alliances. These programs began to be aired on Channel 6 on August 25. Q. No matter what laws are passed or agreements signed by the Sandinistas, the fact is that the Sandinistas have never kept their word or lived up to any agreement which they signed. Why should anyone believe them now? A. Aside from the dubious nature of claims regarding the Sandinistas' failure to abide by previous agreements, it is not necessary in this case to rely on the government's commitment to compliance. The Nicaraguan government has invited the United Nations and the Organization of American States to act as official observers to the electoral process and the 1990 elections. In the 1987 Esquipulas II regional accords, the Central American presidents themselves designated the OAS and the UN as the organizations responsible for verifying the purity of elections in region. The OAS has already established permanent observer teams in each of Nicaragua's departments and in late August, 13 UN officials began permanent monitoring of the electoral process. Participation of UN monitors to observe elections in a sovereign country is without precedent. In addition, former US president Jimmy Carter has been invited to head a delegation of observers in Nicaragua at any time during the electoral process. He and his delegation were given guarantees of freedom of movement, and unrestricted access to all voting areas. ********************* PANAMA ********************* PANAMA: ADOC'S LEADER GUILLERMO ENDARA ON HUNGER STRIKE TO CALL ATTENTION TO OPPOSITION CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE CAMPAIGN On Sept. 20, former presidential candidate of the Civil Democratic Opposition Alliance (ADOC) Guillermo Endara commenced a hunger strike to call attention to the opposition's civil disobedience campaign against the provisional government. "I declare myself on an indefinite hunger strike until the `Not One Cent More for the Government' campaign is recognized and supported by the Panamanian people," he said. Endara was referring to a campaign launched last month by ADOC exhorting Panamanians to delay utility, tax and other payments to the government. The opposition effort has been largely ignored. At ADOC headquarters, Endara said, "I will follow all that is applicable from the rules written by Mahatma Gandhi for his hunger strike of November 1925." On the same day, ADOC leaders and former vice presidential candidates Guillermo Ford and Ricardo Arias Calderon, began a diplomatic initiative to seek support for their demand that Gen. Manuel Antonio Noriega resign as commander-in-chief of the Panamanian Defense Forces, and as Panama's de facto ruler. They are to tour Jamaica, Britain, Italy, Spain, West Germany, Belgium, France, Canada and the US. In Washington, the Organization of American States (OAS) voted to include the Panamanian political crisis for discussion during its General Assembly scheduled to begin in mid-November. On Sept. 21, the Panamanian government warned it would prosecute anyone who attempts to disrupt public order. (Basic data from AFP, 09/20/89, 09/21/89; Xinhua, 09/20/89) PANAMA: U.S. ARMY OFFICER DIES IN FALL FROM BUILDING On Sept. 19, US Lt.Col. Lee Jalesowski died in a fall from the third story of a building at Fort Clayton, 17 km. northeast of Panama City. US Southern Command officials reported the incident on Sept. 20, but gave no details. Pro-government newspaper Critica reported that Jalesowski was a member of a US Army intelligence unit, and that he was thrown to his death. The Southern Command denied the report that the officer was murdered. (Basic data from AFP, 09/21/89) PANAMA: REPORT ON RAPE BY U.S. SOLDIERS In its Sept. 18 issue, El Matutino reported that three US soldiers identified as Kristian Johnson, James Stratzinger and Juan Ocasio, Jr., had been arrested for allegedly raping two women in Panama City. THe three, said the newspaper, "were found drugged and in a complete state of intoxication" Sept. 17 after they allegedly raped the women and "threw" them from a moving car. In a telephone interview with the AFP, an unidentified US Southern Command spokesperson said he was unaware of the report, and declined comment. (Basic data from AFP, 09/18/89) BAHAMAS SUSPENDS DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH PANAMA On Sept. 16, a press communique from the Foreign Ministry of the Bahamas said that all official contact with the Panamanian government has been suspended. "The Bahamas government maintains no diplomatic relations with Panama and in view of the new developments now obtaining in that country, the Bahamas suspends all official contact with Panama." (Basic data from Xinhua, 09/16/89) PANAMA: OPPOSITION NEWSPAPER PUBLISHER ARRESTED On Sept. 15, owner-publisher of El Siglo, Jaime Padilla Beliz, was arrested by about 15 armed plainclothesmen, said Venus Cardenas, one of Padilla's lawyers. El Siglo, critical of Gen. Manuel Antonio Noriega, was closed down by the government in July 1987 on charges of undermining the physical and economic security of the state. Padilla was taken away from the offices of the Padilla y Asociados law firm. He is a senior partner in the firm. (Basic data from AP, 09/15/89) --- Patt Haring | United Nations | FAX: 212-787-1726 patth@sci.ccny.cuny.edu | Information | BBS: 201-795-0733 patth@ccnysci.BITNET | Transfer Exchange | (3/12/24/9600 Baud) -=- Every child smiles in the same language. -=-