LADBAC@UNMB.BITNET (Dr. Barbara A. Kohl) (10/28/89)
October 27, 1989
CENTRAL AMERICA UPDATE
Copyright 1989
(Latin America Data Base, Latin American Institute, University
of New Mexico. Project Director: Dr. Nelson Valdes. Managing
Editor: Dr. Barbara A. Kohl)
********************
GENERAL
********************
U.N., O.A.S., CANADIAN OBSERVER MISSIONS DISPUTE U.S.
CHARGES ABOUT IMPROPRIETIES IN NICARAGUAN ELECTION PROCESS
The US government continues to reiterate charges and
concerns on the Nicaraguan government's intent to rig the
elections scheduled for Feb. 25, 1990. For instance, on
Oct. 23, US ambassador to the UN, Thomas Pickering,
expressed the State Department's concern about the
Sandinistas' alleged plans to determine the outcome of the
election, the "reported presence of armed soldiers at
Nicaraguan voter registration centers," and that returning
exiles may be unable to vote. At a White House briefing on
Oct. 25, Secretary of State James Baker said the US has
"some concern that the opposition parties there will not be
given adequate and sufficient access to the media to make
the election free and fair." Summarized below are recent
statements by the United Nations and Organization of
American States missions charged with monitoring the
electoral process in Nicaragua, and a Canadian monitoring
mission's report which charges that the US and the contras
are the principal destabilizing forces impacting on the
Nicaraguan elections.
--According to an Oct. 19 report by ONUVEN, the United
Nations mission charged with monitoring the Nicaraguan
electoral process, Nicaragua's Supreme Electoral Council
(CSE) had not yet demonstrated favoritism for the Sandinista
National Liberation Front (FSLN). In its first report since
beginning monitoring activities on Aug. 25, the ONUVEN said
it had reviewed decisions made by the Council during the
June 8-Sept. 7 period.
The report also discussed a controversy between the
government and a group of opposition parties regarding
military troop mobilization. In an Aug. 4 accord, the
government agreed to suspend military recruitment beginning
in September until after the Feb. 25, 1990, elections.
Recruitment of Nicaraguans in the 17- to 25-year-old
age groups for military service has been suspended.
Mobilization of military reserves--including 25- to 40-year-
old Nicaraguans--, has not been suspended. Some opposition
parties charge that the government has reneged on the Aug. 4
agreement, since its intent was to suspend all military
mobilization. The government argues the agreement was to
suspend military recruitment--induction into the armed
forces--, and that it has done so.
The ONUVEN report said that the "unfortunate" wording
of the terms contained in the Aug. 4 agreement is the source
of the contradictory interpretations.
In reference to equal access to the media by all
political parties, the ONUVEN report stated that it was too
early to offer an evaluation. The report noted opposition
parties' complaints that the signal strength of television
channel 2 is weaker than channel 6. Both are operated by
the government. Political party messages and campaign
pitches are aired on channel 2. Government officials said
the difference in signal strength was a technical problem,
not the result of premeditated planning.
On foreign donations to political parties and
campaigns, the report stated that the CSE had adopted a more
flexible position than required under Nicaraguan law. In
kind donations, capital goods and propaganda materials were
exempted from the legal requirement that 50% of foreign
donations to parties and political campaigns be channeled to
the Council to defray non-partisan electoral expenses.
--In New York on Oct. 25, ONUVEN chief Elliot
Richardson told reporters his team found that the government
in Managua was running the campaign properly. He said, "It
is certainly my impression, and I think that I speak for all
of us representing the United Nations in Nicaragua, that the
goal of a free, fair and honest election is being taken
seriously by all those concerned, in the government, in the
parties, and among the people."
Richardson, who served as attorney general under
President Richard Nixon, was appointed by UN Secretary
General Javier Perez de Cuellar to serve as his personal
representative in overseeing the UN mission.
Nicaraguan officials have reported that 20 people have
died in contra attacks during voting registration.
Richardson said, "I certainly do not think that maintaining
the contras is necessary to assure a free and fair
election...Whatever violence does impair the electoral
process or leads voters to be afraid to go to the polls or
to think that perhaps if they go, the result may not count
in the end, will be of concern to us."
Regarding the State Department's concerns about armed
soldiers as registration centers, Richardson said, "I cannot
tell you that [members of the UN mission] did not see any"
soldiers or guards. He added that "this is not a not a
matter that has been brought to my attention" in terms of
the campaign's fairness.
Richardson spoke to journalists before reporting to
Secretary General Perez de Cuellar on his weekend meetings
with President Daniel Ortega and members of Nicaragua's
Supreme Electoral Council. "The council has been performing
in a conscientious, fair and impartial manner," he
said.
Next, Richardson said that both the Council and
President Ortega had promised to consider reopening the
electoral lists to register any number of contra guerrillas
who return before the February election.
--On Oct. 26 at a press conference in Managua, Mario
Gonzalez, head of the Organization of American States
election monitoring mission, said the OAS team had reported
that the voter registration phase of the electoral process
had developed "normally" in all ways during the first four
Sundays of October. He added that OAS mission estimates
indicate that close to 85% of the Nicaraguan electorate had
registered to vote.
Gonzalez said that the OAS was concerned about the
continuity of violent confrontations such as the Oct. 21
contra attack in northern Nicaragua resulting in the deaths
of 18 members of the military reserve. The troops were en
route to their homes with the aim of registering to vote on
the following day. About 100 contras exploded an anti-tank
mine under the military trucks, and then opened fire.
The OAS official said that violence militates against
realizing democracy by means of the electoral process. He
said that in order for elections to contribute to building
democracy, and as an exercise of democracy, citizens must
feel safe and unintimidated in all senses when participating
in the electoral process.
--On Oct. 26 in Ottawa, Canada, the Registration
Observer Mission released a report stating that the US is
doing everything it can to disrupt the Feb. 25, 1990
elections. Based on observations during four weeks in
Nicaragua, the report said, "American intervention continues
as the main obstacle to the attainment of free and fair
elections in Nicaragua."
The four-person observer mission was sponsored by the
Committee for Peace and Democracy in Nicaragua, a group of
representatives of church, human rights and academic groups
in addition to unions and development agencies. Its report
said Washington is disrupting the election process by its
continued support of the contras and by large-scale illegal
financing of the National Opposition Union (UNO), and of
other anti-government groups and parties.
Robert Fox, coordinator of the observer mission, said
the US actions are all part of a strategy to destabilize the
election process. The report called the millions of dollars
worth of illegal financing an "intrusion on Nicaraguan
sovereignty."
Next, the report said that the contras are "waging a
campaign of intimidation with the clear message, `If you
support the (Sandinista government), we will be back to kill
you.'"
Fox said that contras had killed 42 people last month
in election-related violence. (Basic data from AP,
10/25/89, 10/26/89; New York Times, 10/26/89; Notimex,
10/19/89, 10/26/89)
PRESIDENT BUSH PLANS TO EXTEND EMBARGO AGAINST NICARAGUA
On Oct. 25, President Bush informed the Congress that
he intended to renew the trade embargo against Nicaragua.
The embargo, he said, is "an essential element of our policy
that seeks a democratic outcome in Nicaragua by diplomatic
means." (Basic data from New York Times, 10/26/89)
ARGENTINE FOREIGN MINISTER: COSTA RICAN MEETING
DOES NOT QUALIFY AS "AMERICAN SUMMIT"
At a press conference on Oct. 26 in Buenos Aires,
Foreign Minister Domingo Cavallo said that referring to the
Oct. 27-28 meeting in Costa Rica as an "American summit" was
a bit exaggerated. Eighteen heads of state are scheduled to
attend, including US President George Bush.
According to Cavallo, "an exchange of ideas" would take
place in San Jose on deforestation, development, democracy,
drugs, debt, and disarmament. He added that "Argentina will
not arrive with a specific proposal on any of these topics,
because it is to be an informal discussion and a final
declaration is not expected..."
The minister pointed out that the principal aim of the
meeting is to formally congratulate Costa Rica on its
"democracy centennial." (Basic data from Notimex, 10/26/89)
REGIONAL POLITICAL PARTIES CONFERENCE TO SEND
ELECTION MONITORING MISSION TO NICARAGUA
On Oct. 22 in Mexico City, the 41 member-parties of the
Latin American Political Parties Permanent Conference
(COPPPAL) agreed to send a mission to monitor the Nicaraguan
elections scheduled for Feb. 25, 1990. The principal
objective of the mission, said the Conference in a
statement, was to ensure the absence of foreign interference
in the elections.
The COPPPAL meeting took place at the headquarters of
Mexico's ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI).
(Basic data from Xinhua, 10/23/89)
*********************
EL SALVADOR
*********************
SALVADORAN PRESIDENT SAYS NICARAGUA SENDING ARMS TO REBELS
On Oct. 24, Salvadoran President Alfredo Cristiani told
reporters that he would speak with presidents attending the
weekend celebration in Costa Rica about the "Sandinista
government's new violation of the [regional] accords."
According to Cristiani, Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega
recently sent a weapons shipment to the Farabundo Marti
National Liberation Front (FMLN).
On Oct. 20, the Salvadoran military announced that the
Honduran army had discovered a cache of weapons hidden in a
wagon at the Honduran-Nicaraguan border. The weapons, said
the military, were destined to the FMLN.
According to Cristiani, the FMLN is playing a
"strategic" game by announcing a reduction in the level of
its commission to meet with government representatives at
the next round of talks, arguing that the governmental
delegation lacks decision-making power. (Basic data from
Notimex, 10/24/89)
*********************
GUATEMALA
*********************
GUATEMALA: THREE SOLDIERS ABDUCTED
On Oct. 22, Army spokesperson Col. Luis Arturo Isaacs
said that last week presumed guerrillas kidnapped three
soldiers in El Peten department. Several persons in
civilian dress set up a road block on a road connecting the
villages of Raxhuja and Sayaxche in El Peten.
The colonel said several vehicles were stopped and
examined, including a bus on which the three soldiers were
traveling. A soldier traveling with the three kidnap
victims, said the spokesperson, reported the incident at the
military post in Las Bozas, El Peten. (Basic data from
Notimex, 10/22/89)
*********************
NICARAGUA
*********************
NICARAGUAN POLL: OVER 40% UNDECIDED ON CHOICE FOR PRESIDENT
On Oct. 26, Raul Obregon, director of the Central
American University's polling institute (ECO), announced
results of a survey conducted between Oct. 2 and Oct. 7 in
31 municipalities. A total of 4,397 persons of voting age
were interviewed, he said.
Obregon said 40.1% of the respondents indicated they
had not yet decided on their choice for president in the
Feb. 25, 1990, election. A total of 36.5% said they planned
to vote for the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN),
18.1% for the National Opposition Union (UNO), and 1.7% for
other parties.
In response to a question on whether the opposition is
capable of resolving the country's problems, 44.2% of the
respondents said "no"; 21.4%, "yes"; and, 28.1%, "I don't
know."
Regarding the FSLN's performance in governing the
country, 50.7% said the current administration had brought
improvements to Nicaragua. Next, 15.3% of respondents said
the FSLN was "sometimes" responsible for improvements; 23.1%
said Nicaragua had deteriorated under FSLN rule; and, 10.5%
did not respond.
A total of 78.4% said they planned to vote in February;
9.4% said they had no intention of voting; 10.7% responded
that they did not yet know if they would vote, and 1.7% did
not respond. (Basic data from Notimex, 10/26/89)
*********************
PANAMA
*********************
PANAMA: HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP SAYS 233 SOLDIERS &
OFFICERS EXECUTED AFTER OCT. 3 COUP ATTEMPT
On Oct. 23 at a press conference in Panama City, the
Panamanian Committee for Human Rights said that 233 officers
and soldiers were executed after the Oct. 3 attempted coup.
The government has reported 11 dead and 36 arrested.
Committee chairperson Osvaldo Velasquez said the
organization's figures were based on hospital reports and
accounts from witnesses and relatives of rebel troops. He
stated that 40 of those reportedly killed were buried in
mass graves and that the Committee had received reports that
some of the rebel troops were tortured before being
executed. (Basic data from AFP, 10/23/89)
U.S. PLANS FOR PANAMA CANAL BOARD OF DIRECTORS
MEETING IN FLORIDA DESCRIBED AS ILLEGAL
On Oct. 22 in Panama City, Tomas Altamirano--the
Panamanian due to become chief canal administrator in
January--told reporters that US plans to convene a special
session of the Canal board of directors in Tampa, Fla., on
Oct. 23, are illegal. Altamirano said Washington was
"violating the letter and spirit" of the 1977 treaty.
The board of directors--comprised of five US citizens
and four Panamanians--convenes four times a year. Under the
treaty, in January 1990 Panama is to have a majority on the
board, and a Panamanian is to become chief administrator.
Altamirano did not say if the Panamanians would attend
the special session. (Basic data from AFP, 10/22/89)
********************************
SUMMARIES & ANALYSIS
********************************
NICARAGUA: INTERVIEW WITH BONIFACIO MIRANDA,
PRESIDENT OF REVOLUTIONARY WORKERS PARTY (PRT)
[The PRT participated in the 1984 elections, and
Miranda ran for president. The PRT has not joined the
National Opposition Unity (UNO), and is running its own
candidates for the 1990 elections.
The interview below, which took place prior to the last
week in September, was distributed by the Nicaraguan
Embassy, Netherlands (The Hague, Netherlands), via GeoNet, a
commercial computer network. One of the GeoNet systems
("GEO2"), employed by users in the United Kingdom and
members of international non-governmental organizations,
routed the interview on 10/17/89 to Peacenet, a non-profit
computer network based in San Francisco, Calif.]
Q.: What is the role of the Nicaraguan Resistance after
the Tela [summit] accords?
Miranda: We never believed that the contra project was
conceived for the purpose of overthrowing Sandinismo.
Despite all its mistakes, the [Sandinista National
Liberation] Front is still a very powerful force and
militarily, it could not have been defeated. It was a war
of attrition after which the FSLN would be forced to
negotiate with US imperialism under better conditions [for
the US]. In Nicaragua, the contra project developed a
social base in 1985, partly because of the mistakes made by
the government on the Atlantic Coast with the Miskitos.
US imperialism has not changed its policy...[W]hat is
happening is that regional conflicts are being solved as a
result of the Reagan-Gorbachev, and later Bush-Gorbachev,
dialogues. So the contras have been defeated and now there
is a new imperialistic policy--we call it "democratic
reactionary policy"--, which tries to promote a democratic
mechanism in order to stop all revolutionary processes...
The US dreams of an internal coup against the FSLN.
Q.: Do you think the FSLN will provide democratic
guarantees for the Miskito Indians who have been involved
with the contras when they return to Nicaragua?
Miranda: I...think the FSLN will comply for the sake of
annihilating the contras.
Q.: Was the [Aug. 4] National Dialogue [with opposition
parties] important? Why?
Miranda: The government made some concessions to the
political parties but there are still laws that have not
changed...There may be a coalition government and we have to
participate in such negotiations. We asked for two things:
a reform of the electoral law to allow for parliamentary
elections and that all financing should be distributed
equally.
Q.: Why the proliferation of political parties after
1979?
Miranda: It was the inevitable result of the
destruction of Somoza's bourgeois power structure, although
most [of the new parties] were the old ones with different
names. However, most were able to acquire legal status and
that is an achievement of the revolution. Once the
revolution took power, it was so powerful that it divided
all social sectors and parties. For instance, the Social
Christians split over how to deal with the FSLN...
Q.: What is view regarding foreign financial assistance
to the contras or to the political parties?
Miranda: In the case of the elections, we are not
opposed, as long as the money comes from parties or groups
with the same ideology and not from governments, especially
not from the US government.
Q.: What do you think of the fact that some contras
have vowed to continue fighting even without US help?
Miranda: Mere bragging.
Q.: What is your opinion regarding the US economic
embargo?
Miranda: It should stop immediately.
Q.: Has your party had any problems organizing itself
for the elections?
Miranda: If one requests permission from the police [to
hold rallies, and the like], it's granted. But at times our
people are pestered at workplaces by Sandinistas. But
eventually, that might change. The Bonaparte-like structure
of the Sandinista government will not give up power that
easily, though. We will have to fight to get it.
Q.: What demands were raised by your party during the
National Dialogue that were not met?
Miranda: Equal financing for all. The rest is part of
the political and ideological struggle.
Q.: Do you think basic conditions are in place for your
party to participate in a free and fair electoral process?
Miranda: The FSLN has been preparing itself for quite a
while for the electoral process. We are not as well
organized and we don't have much money.
Q.: How would you solve the country's economic crisis?
Miranda: There is no economic solution for this
country.
Q.: Did it ever have one?
Miranda: Under Somoza the economic panorama worldwide
was different, although not more efficient. More cotton was
being produced, the exchange rate of the dollar was 7 to 1
for 20 years. Today our agro-export industry is no longer
solvent. We cannot compete...The bourgeoisie and its
economic model are finished. Hyper-inflation can only be
stopped at a very high political cost. State spending has
been reduced because the army is being sent back home, but
how long will this last? The bleak economic scenario will
not change until the country falls apart. Nobody will
invest here, and the economic assistance it will get won't
be enough to reactivate the economy...
Q.: What would your party do if it were in charge?
Miranda: It would be problematic. We would not be able
to solve Nicaragua's crisis. We believe that the only way
is revolution throughout Central America. We cannot survive
unless all Central American nations unite in a common
economic model fit for 18 or 20 million people.
Q.: Will you participate in the electoral process as a
single party or as a bloc?
Miranda: We think it would be better to join with other
left-wing parties and we have come to an agreement with the
Marxist-Leninists on representatives for municipal
elections.
Q.: In your view which political sectors are reflected
in La Prensa?
Miranda: Our bourgeoisie and our political parties are
very peculiar. For example, Virgilio Godoy's Liberal Party
does not have members of the bourgeoisie, only coffee and
cotton-growers. The Council for Private Enterprise and La
Prensa...coordinate efforts constantly. They both represent
the point of view of the US Embassy here, though sometimes
they appear to be independent-minded.
Q.: What is the FSLN's popularity margin?
Miranda: It's wrong to make electoral predictions right
now. People change during the campaign.
Q.: What do you think of the published opinion polls?
Miranda: I do not think they are scientific, but I
cannot prove it for we don't know the sources. The surveys
give the Social Christian party a degree of popularity I
don't think it has. I believe Virgilio Godoy is very
popular and is an aggressive candidate, with guts...
I believe a political pact will be worked out between
the FSLN and whatever proportion won by the UNO (National
Opposition Unity). If the UNO gets 40% and the Sandinistas
45%, then the opposition makes a deal with the FSLN and
forces it to comply. During the recent university
elections, the FSLN won by 65%, the right-wing opposition
won 30% and we won 6%. We believe there is a margin of
left-wingers who have lost faith in the FSLN and we believe
we can win those votes.
Q.: If the FSLN wins, do you think the US government
should normalize relations with Nicaragua?
Miranda: Obviously, but not on the basis of political
concessions.
NICARAGUA: INTERVIEW WITH VIRGILIO GODOY REYES,
PRESIDENT OF INDEPENDENT LIBERAL PARTY (PLI)
[The PLI participated in the 1984 elections, with Godoy
as its presidential candidate. The party is a member of the
National Opposition Unity (UNO). Godoy was selected as
UNO's vice presidential candidate for the 1990 elections.
The interview below, which took place prior to the last
week in September, was distributed by the Nicaraguan
Embassy, Netherlands (The Hague, Netherlands), via GeoNet, a
commercial computer network. One of the GeoNet systems
("GEO2"), employed by users in the United Kingdom and
members of international non-governmental organizations,
routed the interview on 10/17/89 to Peacenet, a non-profit
computer network based in San Francisco, Calif.]
Q.: What is the role of the Nicaraguan Resistance after
the Tela Accords?
Godoy: If the democratic process occurs and, as the
Tela Accords stipulate, the Resistance army in Honduran
territory actually demobilizes, the contra troops that
remain in Nicaragua will also join the civic struggle, as
long as all their democratic rights and guarantees are also
fulfilled. In that case, the Resistance should contribute
to a new model of coexistence based on fair play for all.
Otherwise, the contras still in Honduras will not be able to
join those in Nicaragua and the civil war will continue.
Q.: What is your opinion regarding US government
financial assistance to the Nicaraguan Resistance?
Godoy: The important thing is that after the
Reagan-Gorbachev summit...and ensuing contacts, that kind of
assistance tends to disappear. Naturally, this doesn't mean
that legally and morally that kind of help is wrong as a
matter of principle, regardless of who gives it to whom, or
who is the recipient.
Q.: What do you think about the fact that some members
of the Nicaraguan Resistance have vowed to continue fighting
even if the US refuses to continue helping them?
Godoy: One possible interpretation is that the
Nicaraguan Resistance exists independently of the United
States. Another is that the US is not the only source of
financial assistance it gets. Another interpretation could
be that the Resistance wants to make sure the possibility of
US financing no longer exists before it decides to join the
civic struggle.
Q.: In what way was the National Dialogue important?
Godoy: Even if the talks were the results of the
government's urgent need to have more bargaining power in
Tela, the accords made it evident that the main obstacle...
to national reconciliation has always been the FSLN and
that, once again international influence forces the
government to come to the negotiating table...[I]t is clear
that dialogue yields better reulsts than war does. We can
only hope the government will comply this time.
Q.: Would that kind of dialogue be possible if
Nicaragua were a communist dungeon?
Godoy: The National Dialogue doesn't define the nature
of the Sandinista government. I believe the Sandinistas are
totalitarian, militarized, massified and depersonalized.
Still, that should not be an obstacle to accepting the fact
that the accords were positive, but they will not change the
nature of the government's strategic goal--a "transition"
from capitalism to socialism. Isn't the Soviet Union a
socialist state despite the democratic changes it has
adopted? Isn't the Polish government totalitarian despite
Jaruzelski's democratic changes? And aren't East Germany
and Bulgaria, which have given legal status to other
political parties besides the communist party, also
totalitarian regimes? In Nicaragua, democratic changes have
come about after strong foreign pressure.
Q.: Do basic conditions for your party to participate
in the electoral process exist today?
Godoy: I believe some advances have been made,
especially regarding attaining fair electoral results. That
is important, but it isn't all. We have yet to see the
right kind of freedom and justice to prevail throughout all
the electoral process. In Nicaragua, one party, the FSLN,
has a monopoly over television and direct and immediate
access to the radio network. Only the FSLN receives a
generous amount of state subsidy for nearly 40 written
publications.
Q.: What other demands did your party have that were
not fulfilled?
Godoy: The need to resolve the State-Party-Army
confusion. The government refused to discuss the issue of
an independent TV station or the general amnesty for all.
Also the right to vote for those Nicaraguans who live
abroad. The Supreme Electoral Council and regional councils
are biased in favor of the FSLN, and there is inadequate
control of the official party on the National Council of
Political Parties.
Q.: What is your opinion regarding the US economic
embargo?
Godoy: I must confess that I never truly understood the
sense of that measure. Partly because the US market only
accounted for one-third of our import-export industries for
over 30 years. Also because other sources of trade exchange
were always open to Nicaragua as alternatives. It is
estimated that merchants traveling to Miami circulate about
$100 million both ways and cash remittances from family
members abroad bring about $120 to $150 million annually to
Nicaragua. If one takes all of this into account, the
conclusion is that the embargo should end.
Q.: How would your party solve the country's economic
crisis?
Godoy: There is evidence that the economic crisis
corresponds to the political crisis, so the first cannot
disappear without resolving the second. It is imperative to
recover the loss of trust and bring confidence to the common
Nicaraguan so that he may feel this is a country worth
living in and invite those who left to come back. Also, the
cost of supporting a highly unproductive army should end.
Q.: Why the proliferation of political parties after
1979? What happened to the "historic parallels"?
Godoy: Nicaragua has been a country historically torn
by extreme violence. Civil wars gave birth to the first
political parties that emerged here. Deep down, the
proliferation of political parties is due to the definition
and redefinition of a political system that has not been
able to come to terms with itself. The world wars, but
especially WWII, stimulated the emergence of new political
parties. Inefficiency and the power game are the basis for
their internal divisions. The historic parallels still
exist and Nicaragua is, to a large extent, still
conservative and liberal at heart.
Q.: Has your party had problems in exercising its
democratic right to organize itself for political action?
Godoy: Frequently. State security agents harass our
activists...or other activities are organized to curtail our
own.
Q.: Why is your party participating in UNO?
Godoy: Because we feel that is the best way to confront
the FSLN.
Q.: In your view, which social sectors are represented
in La Prensa?
Godoy: My feeling is that La Prensa doesn't reflect the
opinion of any particular social sector and even if its
historic tendency had been conservative, it tries to give
space to different opposition parties. I myself have never
felt it reflects my point of view. Sometimes they have
defended me, others they've attacked me.
Q.: What is your opinion regarding published opinion
polls in Nicaragua?
Godoy: I can say that I know the experts in charge of
these surveys were professionals with experience in
conducting surveys in various countries. It's also
important to say that political polling is new in Nicaragua
and people who answer questions are afraid because they do
not know where the surveys will end up. Still, the results
were positive because they point out electoral preferences.
Thirty percent are votes for the opposition and 40% are
undecided, which means that the government has already lost
the elections because that 40% undecided are people who were
afraid to tell the truth. In any event, surveys are useful
because they provide information on where a political party
really stands.
Q.: What is the FSLN's margin of popularity?
Godoy: People identify the FSLN as primarily
responsible for the crisis in Nicaragua and its popularity
has greatly diminished.
Q.: What results do you anticipate in the elections?
Godoy: If the elections took place right now, I would
say the results would be two to one in favor of the
opposition, or exactly the reverse of what happened in 1984.
Q.: If the FSLN wins the elections, do you think the US
government should normalize relations with Nicaragua?
Godoy: As far as I can understand, and according to
international rules, the US government has "normal"
relations with the Sandinistas.
NICARAGUA: INTERVIEW WITH CLEMENTE GUIDO, NATIONAL
COORDINATOR OF CONSERVATIVE DEMOCRATIC PARTY (PCD)
[The PCD participated in the 1984 elections, with Guido
as its presidential candidate. For the 1990 elections, the
PCD is running its own presidential slate once again.
The interview below, which took place prior to the last
week in September, was distributed by the Nicaraguan
Embassy, Netherlands (The Hague, Netherlands), via GeoNet, a
commercial computer network. One of the GeoNet systems
("GEO2"), employed by users in the United Kingdom and
members of international non-governmental organizations,
routed the interview on 10/17/89 to Peacenet, a non-profit
computer network based in San Francisco, Calif.]
Q.: What is the role of the Nicaraguan resistance after
the Tela Accords?
Guido: They have two options: go to the US or to other
countries who may want to accept them or return to Nicaragua
and fight the real war. If they choose the latter, they
will have problems. I think only those who have an ideology
to defend will [stay in Honduras], and in general the
contras do not have such an ideology.
A few have said that even if they stop receiving US
backing, they will continue military actions...One should be
wary of these quixotic types. For my part, I believe in
fighting the civic way, but it's their choice and I respect
that.
Q.: Was the National Dialogue between the opposition
and the government important? Why?
Guido: It was important in paving the way for more or
less free and fair elections. Nowhere in the world can one
have an impeccable electoral process. The Aug. 4 accord
will motivate abstentionists to vote. The presence of the
Organization of American States and the United Nations will
serve as an adequate guarantee to fair elections.
Q.: Do you believe basic conditions exist for your
party to participate in the electoral process?
Guido: It's too soon to say, but promises were made.
The Civil Service law is being discussed in the National
Assembly and that is important: to clarify the State-Party
confusion. Advances are being made regarding other
legislation, such as laws pertaining to media regulation and
public order. But I worry about a lease and municipal rates
law which was introduced in the Assembly before Aug. 4. It
would violate the provision which prohibited the
expropriation of private property for political reasons.
Q.: Which demands made by you and your party were
rejected?
Guido: We introduced 21 issues and only seven of them
were rejected.
Q.: Do you believe the political milieu is better now
than in 1984?
Guido: I believe the FSLN will comply for the first
time ever because they are under too much pressure. They
have to hold clean elections.
Q.: Why did your party decide to participate in the
elections as an independent party, rather than joining the
National Opposition Unity (UNO)?
Guido: If we were to participate with other parties, we
would lose the political capital we accumulated in 1984. We
have 14 seats in the National Assembly and if we can retain
those seats, then we would participate alongside other
parties. Our presidential candidate is Eduardo Molina
Palacios, a young candidate like the majority of voters.
Q.: What is the margin of popularity of the FSLN in
your view?
Guido: The FSLN used to have about 62% and I believe it
has lost about 10 to 15%, but it can still recover
popularity with the efforts it is making for national
reconciliation and peace. The Sandinistas want to hold free
and fair elections so that in case they win, they can
justify their rule and if they lose, to do so with dignity.
The FSLN could not be ignored as a strong opposition party
for 1996.
Q.: What results do you anticipate from the elections?
Guido: I believe Molina will win.
Q.: What is your opinion regarding opinion surveys?
Guido: Not good. La Prensa's surveys contained leading
questions which manipulated the respondent's answers.
Q.: If the FSLN wins the elections, do you think the US
government should normalize relations with Nicaragua?
Guido: My feeling is that all the world's govenments
should leave Nicaragua in peace, but at the same time, the
Sandinista government should behave responsibly and
structure a government of national unity.
Q.: What is your view on the subject of the US economic
embargo?
Guido: Embargos have never solved anything anywhere.
The US embargo was unable to overthrow Castro. Same thing
happened here. The terrible economic situation is due to
the war. The FSLN had to put its economic resources in the
defense sector instead of in production. It has found other
trade sources to compensate for the US embargo, not only in
the Socialist bloc, but also Europe and Japan.
Q.: What caused the proliferation of political parties
in Nicaragua after 1979?
Guido: Firstly, the caudillo phenomenon is very strong
in Nicaragua. We haven't had a democratic tradition. We
are learning it now. Our people don't believe in party
platforms or programs. They follow people. When one person
loses power or comes into conflict with someone else within
the same political party, instead of staying and supporting
the winner, he leaves and even takes the party's name with
him.
Secondly, after the revolution, there were some who
didn't want a change and others who did. And the third
reason was splits caused by arguments over finances.
Q.: What is your opinion regarding US government
financial assistance to the political parties?
Guido: We are against it because it subjugates.
NICARAGUA: INTERVIEW WITH ISIDRO TELLEZ, PRESIDENT OF
MAP-ML (POPULAR ACTION MOVEMENT-MARXIST LENINIST)
The MAP-ML participated in the 1984 elections, with
Tellez as its presidential candidate. For the 1990
elections, the party is fielding its own presidential slate.
The interview below, which took place prior to the last
week in September, was distributed by the Nicaraguan
Embassy, Netherlands (The Hague, Netherlands), via GeoNet, a
commercial computer network. One of the GeoNet systems
("GEO2"), employed by users in the United Kingdom and
members of international non-governmental organizations,
routed the interview on 10/17/89 to Peacenet, a non-profit
computer network based in San Francisco, Calif.]
Q.: What is the role of the Resistance after the Tela
Accords?
Tellez: The contra has been weakened by the accords,
but that doesn't mean the threat it represents has
disappeared. After all, the contras were organized by the
US government and the fact that its main leaders have asked
for political asylum in the US can produce a negative
psychological effect among the troops. They can become
vandals and can organize themselves into apolitical
mercenaries. We believe elections won't solve this problem.
The war may have stopped for now, but the future depends on
the results of the elections: favorable to the right,
emergence of a political pact, or reactivation of the
military option.
Q.: Was the National Dialogue important? Why?
Tellez: Its purpose was to reach an accord so that the
Sandinista government would have more bargaining power at
Tela. Most of the concessions granted were for the sake of
the electoral process. We believed electoral issues were
secondary and wanted to solve the peasants' and workers'
problems, since they are the ones who have suffered the
most. Even if those demands were not met, such were our
political objectives. We presented our democratic demands,
like free trade union associations and a revision of the
state salary policy, among others. The poverty of the
people of Nicaragua was not discussed. The discussion was
focused on the electoral process for the most part.
Q.: Will you participate in the elections alone or in
an alliance with other parties?
Tellez: We would like to keep the seats in parliament
we have won, so we don't think a united left-wing opposition
front is possible.
Q.: Why the proliferation of political parties?
Tellez: There are lots of trends of thought here, but
the majority of the 21 political parties are similar...
Q.: What is your view regarding foreign assistance to
the contras or to the political parties?
Tellez: We are against any kind of interference from
any foreign government...
Q.: What about the economic embargo?
Tellez: We are against it. Our relationship with the
US should be without any economic pressures. The US thinks
that Central America is its hacienda, but things are
changing here. The people are beginning to fight for their
rights and it will have to change its policy.
Q.: Have you had any problems in exercising your right
to organize your party for political action?
Tellez: In one factory our trade union association was
expelled. Those things happen because it is difficult to
legalize our trade unions, the Labor Ministry hampers the
procedures. That kind of sectarian attitude has diminished
but it is still there.
Q.: What other demands does your party have that
were not resolved at the National Dialogue?
Tellez: Most of our demands could be resolved during
that type of meeting. We will continue fighting for the
vindication of the rights of the workers.
Q.: Do you believe the basic conditions for a free and
fair electoral process exist?
Tellez: Our demands have to do with the workers' rights
to have access to their democratic rights.
Q.: What is then your party's goal?
Tellez: To strengthen the organization of the workers'
movement.
Q.: How would your party deal with the economic crisis?
Tellez: The country's resources are exhausted. A new
economic policy that will be beneficial to the masses, to
the workers that have carried the biggest burden, should be
implemented. The rights of the bureaucracy should be
diminished. A better housing and health policy should be
established. We believe the army should be reorganized with
the popular militia. We proposed the suspension of the
military draft for activists and electoral candidates, but
the rightwing imposed its own proposal.
Q.: Which political viewpoints are promoted in La
Prensa?
Tellez: It manipulates the news to fit their own
rightwing interests. It represents the most reactionary
sectors of the society, those who follow the US Embassy's
designs.
Q.: What is the FSLN's popularity margin?
Tellez: Even though its popularity has diminished, I
think it is more popular than the rightwing opposition.
Q.: What is the long-term solution to Nicaragua's
problems?
Tellez: The proletarian revolution. It is happening
not only in Central America but also in Latin America.
Q.: What electoral results do you anticipate?
Tellez: It's difficult to say, but I think the FSLN
will win and perhaps it will have to come to an agreement
with the rightwing opposition...
Q.: If the FSLN wins, do you think the US should
normalize relations with Nicaragua?
Tellez: I think so, as long as the US learns to respect
Nicaragua's right of self-determination.
---
Patt Haring | United Nations | Screen Gems in
patth@sci.ccny.cuny.edu | Information | misc.headlines.unitex
patth@ccnysci.BITNET | Transfer Exchange |
-=- Every child smiles in the same language. -=-