[soc.feminism] Radical

rshapiro@arris.COM (Richard Shapiro) (01/03/91)

In article <m0iqNTn-0000YtC@lsuc.lsuc.on.ca> smd@lsuc.on.ca (Sean
Doran) writes:
>...
>"Radical" feminists are just feminists who point out the problems in
>society more agressively than others, hoping that someone will listen
>to them, in line with the aphorism: "the squeaking wheel gets the
>oil".

Um, no. Radical feminism is not simply feminism that's radical. The
name has been appropriated for a specific subgroup of feminism which
is often contrasted with "socialist" or "post-structuralist" feminism.
There *is* a strong lesbian-separatist component to Radical feminism,
as well as a belief in essential, unchangeable social/moral/political
differences between men and women. Radical feminism is, in fact, not
very radical at all in its essentialism. Even so, that is what the
term "Radical feminism" means, more or less.

By way of contrast, other variants of feminism have been heavily
influenced by marxism, or psychoanalysis, or "discourse theory" (ie
Foucault et al). They would regard gender, and subjectivity, in an
entirely non-essentialist way. Gender would be regarded as a social
construction; any belief in, for instance, the innate moral
superiority of women, would be seen as complicit with a gender system
that subjugates women. This variant of feminism is interested in
investigating the construction of gender, in exposing the social
construction of what appears to be natural, undeniable, God-given (ie,
the differences between men and women). They are interested in
answering these kinds of questions: how does the subjugation of women
happen? and especially, how does it happen in a social setting that
regards itself as egalitarian? what are the specific mechanisms
involved? In short, how is gender constructed? How do individuals
become, in the full social sense, men and women?

As can be seen, my sympathy is wholly with the (nominally) non-Radical
feminist position. Only when we have some tentative answers to the
questions they ask can we begin to do something. We won't even fully
understand the nature, or the scope, of the problem until that
happens.

rs

fwy@cs.brown.edu (Felix Yen) (01/15/91)

smd@lsuc.on.ca (Sean Doran) writes:
>  [. . .]
>  "Radical" feminists are just feminists who point out the problems in
>  society more agressively than others, hoping that someone will listen
>  to them, in line with the aphorism: "the squeaking wheel gets the
>  oil".

rshapiro@arris.COM (Richard Shapiro) writes:
>  [. . .]
>  Um, no. Radical feminism is not simply feminism that's radical. The
>  name has been appropriated for a specific subgroup of feminism which
>  is often contrasted with "socialist" or "post-structuralist" feminism.
>  There *is* a strong lesbian-separatist component to Radical feminism,
>  as well as a belief in essential, unchangeable social/moral/political
>  differences between men and women. Radical feminism is, in fact, not
>  very radical at all in its essentialism. Even so, that is what the
>  term "Radical feminism" means, more or less.


I doubt that feminist terminology is so well established (and suspect
Richard would agree with me here).  Eisenstein introduces
_Contemporary Feminist Thought_ (1983) noting that

    . . . recent analysts seem to agree on the distinction between
    radical feminism, which holds that gender oppression is the
    oldest and most profound form of exploitation, which predates
    and underlies all other forms including those of race and
    class; and socialist feminism, which argues that class, race,
    and gender oppression interact in a complex way, that class
    oppression stems from capitalism, and that capitalism must be
    eliminated for women to be liberated.  Both of these, in turn,
    would be distinguished from a liberal or bourgeois feminist
    view, which would argue that women's liberation can be fully
    achieved without any major alterations to the economic and
    political structures of contemporary capitalist democracies.
    A final category would be a cultural feminist position, which
    eschewed an explicit political or economic program altogether
    and concentrated on the development of a separate women's
    culture.

But Eisenstein admits that the term's meaning is changing.  In her
conclusion she writes:

    In the evolution of feminist theory from Shulamith Firestone
    to Mary Daly, the word "radical" shifted in meaning.  In its
    use among the feminists who broke with the New Left in the
    late 1960s, "radical" meant a commitment to a kind of social
    change even more fundamental than that espoused by the
    revolutionaries of SDS.  In the definition offered by Mary
    Daly, however, "radical" meant metaphysical, that is, it
    referred to an inner voyage, and a retreat from political
    struggle, a withdrawal from the attempt to enter the
    structures of patriarchy on any terms.

My guess is that there is no widespread agreement as to what these
terms mean, and I am curious about Daly's definitions.  How popular
have they become?

All this brings to mind the issue of reader knowledge.  Referring to
Simone de Beauvoir's _The Second Sex_, Betty Friedan's _The Feminine
Mystique_, and Germaine Greer's _The Female Eunuch_, Eisenstein says:

    Since they are well known, I assume some knowledge of these
    feminist classics in the reader.

I confess to having read and enjoyed _Contemporary Feminist Thought_
without first reading these or any other classics.  And at this point,
I would like to solicit recommendations for other books about
feminism, especially feminist theory.


                                    Felix

                                    CSNET    fwy@cs.brown.edu
                                    UUCP     uunet!brunix!fwy

rshapiro@arris.COM (Richard Shapiro) (01/16/91)

In article <61282@brunix.UUCP> fwy@cs.brown.edu (Felix Yen) writes:
>I doubt that feminist terminology is so well established (and suspect
>Richard would agree with me here).

Yes, I agree. The term "radical feminism" has meant somewhat different
things over the course of the movement.

>[Felix, quoting from _Contemporary Feminist Thought_]
>    ...
>    In the evolution of feminist theory from Shulamith Firestone
>    to Mary Daly, the word "radical" shifted in meaning....
>    In the definition offered by Mary
>    Daly, however, "radical" meant metaphysical, that is, it
>    referred to an inner voyage, and a retreat from political
>    struggle, a withdrawal from the attempt to enter the
>    structures of patriarchy on any terms.

I think I was taking Daly's definition, or something close to it. In
any case, one thing it does NOT mean is "feminism that's politically
radical", which was the real point I was making. In many ways, Radical
feminism (as characterized above) is quite backward.

>My guess is that there is no widespread agreement as to what these
>terms mean, and I am curious about Daly's definitions.  How popular
>have they become?

I don't know how popular any of these theoretical distinctions are,
but I do think it's become something of a standard in the literature,
at least as a rough characterization. There may be wider agreement
than you think. On the other hand, feminists (like other progressive
thinkers) have unfortunately been splintering themselves into sects.
No doubt this sectarianism continues to contribute to the confusion.

jym@berkeley.edu (Jym Dyer) (03/08/91)

> Consider the "radical feminist" for example.  In an earlier
> discussion, Richard Shapiro and I presented two competing
> definitions: one advocates the elimination of certain social
> structures, the other advocates the creation of women-centered
> spaces.
___
 __ I believe I can help here.  It is true that a number of
  _ different schools of feminist thought have made efforts
    to appropriate the "radical" label.
___
 __ "Radical" means a focus on the root.  (The words are related,
  _ as in the "radical" symbol for square roots and the word
    "radish.")  Bear that in mind as I go over the following
    varieties of feminism.  These varieties are derived, in part,
    from Jaggar and Rothenberg's _Feminist_Frameworks_ (2nd
    edition), which is a worthwhile but incomplete reader that
    tries to sort out these various schools of feminist thought.)

			 Radical Feminism
___			 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
 __ This term refers to the feminist movement that sprung out of
  _ the civil rights and peace movements in 1967-1968.  The reason
    this group gets the "radical" label is that they view the
    oppression of women as the most fundamental form of opression,
    one that cuts across boundaries of race, culture, and economic
    class.  This is a movement intent on social change, change of
    rather revolutionary proportions, in fact.
___
 __ Ironically, this get-to-the-roots movement is the most root-
  _ less variety of feminism.  This was part of its strength and
    part of their weakness.  It was always dynamic, always dealing
    with factions, and always full of ideas.  Its influence has
    been felt in all the other varieties listed here, as well as
    in society at large.
___
 __ The best history of this movement is a book called _Daring_to_
  _ _be_Bad_, by Echols.  I consider that book a must!

			 Liberal Feminism
___			 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
 __ This is the variety of feminism that accepts the structure
  _ of mainstream society and works to integrate women into that
    structure.  Its roots stretch back to the social contract
    theory of government instituted by the American Revolution.
    Abigail Adams and Mary Wollstonecraft were there from the
    start, proposing equality for women.
___
 __ As is often the case with liberals, they slog along inside
  _ the system, getting little done amongst the compromises until
    some radical movement shows up and pulls those compromises
    left of center.  This is how it operated in the days of the
    suffragist movement and again with the emergence of the radical
    feminists.

		  Marxist and Socialist Feminism
___		  ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
 __ Marxism recognizes that women are oppressed, and attributes
  _ the oppression to the capitalist/private property system.
    Thus they insist that the only way to end the oppression of
    women is to overthrow the capitalist system.
___
 __ Socialist feminism is the result of Marxism meeting radical
  _ feminism.  Jaggar and Rothenberg point to significant diff-
    erences between socialist feminism and Marxism, but for our
    purposes I'll present the two together.  Echols offers a
    description of socialist feminism as a marriage between
    Marxism and radical feminism, with Marxism the dominant
    partner.  I think that says it best.
___
 __ Marxists and socialists often call themselves "radical," but
  _ they use the term to refer to a completely different "root"
    of society:  the economic system.

			Cultural Feminism
___			~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
 __ As radical feminism died out as a movement, cultural feminism
  _ got rolling.  In fact, many of the same people moved from the
    former to the latter.  They carried the name "radical feminism"
    with them, and some cultural feminists use that name still.
    (Jagger and Rothenberg don't even list cultural feminism as a
    framework separate from radical feminism, but Echols spells out
    the distinctions in great detail.)
___
 __ The difference between the two is quite striking:  whereas
  _ radical feminism was a movement to transform society, cultural
    feminism retreated to vanguardism, working instead to build
    a women's culture.
___
 __ Some of this effort has had some social benefit:  rape crisis
  _ centers, for example; and of course many cultural feminists
    have been active in social issues (but as individuals, not as
    part of a movement).

		   Feminism and Women of Color
		   ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
> In _Feminist theory from margin to center_ (1984), bell hooks
> writes of "militant white women" who call themselves "radical
> feminists" but hooks labels them "reactionary" . . .
___
 __ Hooks is refering to cultural feminism here.  At any rate,
  _ her comment is a good introduction to that fractious variety
    of feminism that Jaggar and Rothenberg find hard to label
    any further than to designate its source as women of color.
___
 __ I regard this variety of feminism with some sadness.  It
  _ is a most vital variety, covering much of the same ground
    as radical feminism and duplicating its dynamic nature.
    Yet bad timing kept the two from ever uniting.  For more
    information you might want to also read Hooks' book and
    her earlier reader, _Ain't_I_a_Woman?_

			 Anarcho-Feminism
___			 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
 __ Anarcho-feminism was never a huge movement, especially in the
  _ United States, and you won't find a whole lot written about
    it.  I mention it mostly because of the influential work of
    Emma Goldman, who used anarchism to craft a radical feminism
    that was (alas!) far ahead of her time.
___
 __ Radical feminism expended a lot of energy dealing with a basis
  _ from which to critique society without falling into Marxist
    pleas for socialist revolution.  It also expended a lot of
    energy trying to reach across racial and class lines.  Goldman
    had succeeded in both.
___
 __ Radical feminist Alix Schulman realized this, but not in time
  _ to save her movement.  She's put out a reader of Goldman's
    work and a biography, both of which I recommend highly.

			   Eco-Feminism
___			   ~~~~~~~~~~~~
 __ A misnomer that I include for completeness' sake.  This is
  _ actually socially-conscious environmentalism with a tiny
    smattering of the radical and cultural feminist observation
    that exploitation of women and exploitation of the earth have
    some astonishing parallels.  The rest of "eco-feminism" turns
    out to be (*sigh!*) recycled socialism.
___
 __ The Green movements of Europe actually do a better job of
  _ promoting an environmentally aware feminism, even though it's
    more an environmental movement than a feminist one.

			      * * *

> I would add that if "feminism" is practically meaningless,
> and I believe it is, then it makes little sense to try to
> subdivide it.
___
 __ I find that making those subdivisions helps me deal with
  _ feminism much better.
    <_Jym_>
    (Certified Anarcho-Green Radical Feminist)

fwy@cs.brown.edu (Felix Yen) (03/17/91)

(This is also in response to Jeanette Dravk's posting under the
subject heading "Re: The Equality of Men & Women".)

In an earlier article, I said "... if `feminism' is practically
meaningless, and I believe it is, then it makes little sense to
try to subdivide it."

Jym Dyer (jym@berkeley.edu) responds:
___
 __ I find that making those subdivisions helps me deal with
  _ feminism much better.

I admit that I felt more comfortable about feminism once I had a
(slight) grasp of its subdivisions.  But it doesn't take a terribly
long time to acquire such an understanding and I am not convinced
that one must understand the nuances separating socialist feminism
from Marxism in order to practice a brand of feminism that rests on
a solid theoretical foundation.

If there is such a thing as an "average feminist", she is someone who
emits "feminist" rhetoric on the one hand, while denying the "feminist"
label on the other.  Such is the state of feminism today and I think
we can attribute the ambiguity surrounding feminism to its chronic
subdivision.

I agree with Jeanette Dravk's statement about there being common goals
and rather than focus on the differences between the various camps, I
would rather focus on what these common goals are.  Feminism will never
enjoy a broad base of support if its liberals and its radicals refuse
to even agree to disaree.  I feel that such an understanding can only
come about if we stop talking about differences and start talking about
our "common" goals.  A society that gives men and women equal oppor-
tunities does not necessarily give women (men) the opportunities that
men (women) currently have.  Shouldn't we agree on our destination
before we argue over which route is best?

A final digression: returning to our "average feminist", her refusal
to wear the "feminist" label can be compared to people refusing to vote
in certain parts of the world.  I remember growing up and learning how
certain governments did not hold elections and how others insured that
their "candidates" would win.  I remember thinking how nice it was to
live in a country where "free elections" were held.  Now the candidates
seem more and more alike and many run virtually or literally unopposed.
How will we know when the situation has deteriorated to the point where
not voting becomes the "correct" choice?  Have we reached this point
already?

Disclaimer:  These are my thoughts and they should not be associated
             with my host computer's generous owner.  I apologize if
             you found this overly extremist.


                                    Felix

                                    CSNET    fwy@cs.brown.edu
                                    UUCP     uunet!brunix!fwy

ellene@microsoft.UUCP (Ellen Mitsue Eades) (03/28/91)

I'm really glad that Jym posted his analysis of differing types of
feminism, as they are (in my opinion) central to understanding why
soc.feminism continually is the site of misunderstandings and ad
hominem attacks on "feminists" at large.  Certainly there are posters
here who will attack (or defend) any kind of feminism at the drop of a
post, but I also think that there is a lot of ignorance about the
history of feminism and the different philosophies of feminism which
make it easy to label all feminists with the same brush.

Ellen (who moves through every single position in the feminist rainbow
except that of the liberal feminist and doesn't plan to ever include
that in her repertoire :-)

bradford@maccs.dcss.mcmaster.ca (Bradford Rodriguez) (03/29/91)

I believe Individualist Feminism was omitted from the list.  When
I have a good description or historical references I may post them;
right now my only reference on this subject is "Freedom, Feminism,
and the State" by Wendy McElroy.

- Brad R.

gcf@mydog.UUCP (Gordon Fitch) (04/04/91)

bradford@maccs.dcss.mcmaster.ca (Bradford Rodriguez) writes:
|
| I believe Individualist Feminism was omitted from the list.  When
| I have a good description or historical references I may post them;
| right now my only reference on this subject is "Freedom, Feminism,
| and the State" by Wendy McElroy.

I haven't seen this book.  But individualism, at least as it's
usually enunciated on the net, seems to me to be greatly at odds
with any movement or body of thought that focuses on the special
problems and qualities of a category of persons, e.g. feminism or
the black liberation movement.  The whole point of individualism
is to discount the validity, if not the effect, of that sort of
categorization and the relations that may go along with it.

Therefore -- since the book contradicts expectation -- it seems
like it might be pretty interesting.  Who's the publisher?

--
Gordon Fitch  |  gcf@mydog.uucp  | uunet!cmcl2.nyu.edu!panix!mydog!gcf

turpin@cs.utexas.edu (Russell Turpin) (04/04/91)

------
In article <9104030712.11574@mydog.UUCP> gcf@mydog.UUCP (Gordon Fitch) writes:
> ... individualism, at least as it's usually enunciated on the net,
> seems to me to be greatly at odds with any movement or body of
> thought that focuses on the special problems and qualities of a
> category of persons, e.g. feminism or the black liberation 
> movement.  The whole point of individualism is to discount the
> validity, if not the effect, of that sort of categorization and
> the relations that may go along with it.

Implicit in the above criticism is the idea that such
categorization is part of the goal, not just part of the problem.
It is precisely here that there is considerable divergence
between different feminist groups.  Is the goal of feminism
to break down old gender categories?  Or to also reinstate new
ones?  Is the goal a society where male/female is not an
important category in determining how one is treated in pursuing
an education, a career, etc?  Or is the goal a society where this
category is still important, though in a different way than
before?  

Someone who espouses an individualist philosophy does not
necessarily dismiss the validity of such categories in analyzing
problems, especially if the problems stem from inappropriate
social reification of the categories, ie, the society imposes
rules that *because* one is female one *must* A and one *cannot*
B.  But they are more likely to see solutions in breaking down
these categories, rather than maintaining them and merely
changing the rules.  Noting that A and B are unfair, and so
replacing them with C and D, will not change the fact that the
rule is still 'because one is female, one must <something> and
one cannot <something else>'. 

Russell

jym@mica.berkeley.edu (Jym Dyer) (04/06/91)

gcf> The whole point of individualism is to discount the validity, if
> not the effect, of that sort of categorization and the relations
> that may go along with it. 
___
 __ Except that feminism arose to counter the treatement of women
  _ as nonindividuals.  I grant that cultural feminism was into
    categorization, but it's certainly not true of feminisim
    _per_se_.

> Therefore -- since the book contradicts expectation -- it seems
> like it might be pretty interesting.
___
 __ I'll lay even odds that it's just a marriage of libertarianism
  _ and feminism, with libertarianism as the dominant partner.  If
    you *really* want to contradict those expectations, check out
    Alice Echol's _Daring_to_Be_Bad_ (radical feminism) and Emma
    Goldman's stuff (anarcho-feminism).
    <_Jym_>

bradford@maccs.dcss.mcmaster.ca (Bradford Rodriguez) (04/07/91)

The best statement I've found (so far) for individualist feminism:
 
   "Feminists want women to be free -- free of the domination of men,
   free to control their bodies and psyches as they see fit, free to
   make their own decisions about their own lives independent of the
   coercive domination of others.
	. . .
   [Individualist] feminists believe that we can't achieve a non-
   authoritarian society by authoritarian methods.  If our goals are
   personal autonomy and individual freedom, we can't achieve these
   goals by taking away individuals' rights to choose for themselves.
   If we pass laws that force _our_ values on others, we are no better
   than men who have forced _their_ values on us through legislation.
   We merely substitute our tyranny for the tyranny of men.  Women's
   liberationist Susan Brownmiller advocating anti-obscenity laws is no
   better than Conservative James Buckley advocating abortion laws."
 
	-- Sharon Presley and Lynn Kinsky,
	as quoted in "Freedom, Feminism, and the State",
	edited by Wendy McElroy
 
"Freedom, Feminism, and the State" is being reprinted by Holmes and
Meier, 30 Irving Place, New York NY 10003.  You should probably
inquire of them directly as to where and when it can be found.
 
For more of the history of individualist feminism, I strongly recommend
the introductory essay of the book, "The Roots of Individualist Feminism
in 19th-Century America."  You might also investigate the writings of the
18th and 19th Century feminists Mary Wollstonecraft ("Vindication of the
Rights of Woman"), Voltairine de Cleyre, Sarah Grimke, or Lillian
Harman.
 
- Brad
 
P.S. Thanks for pre-criticizing the book, Jym.  Would you like to read
it sometime?  (Talk about pre-judgment...sheesh.)
 
Brad Rodriguez        | brad%candice@maccs.uucp      (God willing)
B.RODRIGUEZ2 on GEnie | brad%candice@maccs.dcss.mcmaster.ca
"Shoes for industry!" | bradford@maccs.dcss.mcmaster.ca  (archaic)

rivero@dev8a.mdcbbs.com (04/09/91)

In article <27FE2636.10564@maccs.dcss.mcmaster.ca>, bradford@maccs.dcss.mcmaster.ca (Bradford Rodriguez) writes:
>
>
>    "... want women to be free ,
>    free to control their bodies and psyches as they see fit, free to
>    make their own decisions about their own lives independent of the
>    coercive domination of others.
> 	. . .
 This statement applies equally to men as well, who have been just as
socialized as women.

  For every woman conditioned to be a 'Damsel in Distress' there is a man who
is conditioned to be a 'Knight In Shining Armor'. Both roles are tiring, unfair
to the participants in different ways, and (in the total abscence of dragons)
impractical role models to hold before our childrens eyes as we enter the Third
Millenium.

  Michael