[can.politics] Some problems with Star Wars

hogg@utcsri.UUCP (John Hogg) (06/14/85)

A few days ago I said that I'd post the papers submitted to the Liberal
Task Force on Peace, Security and World Disarmament that were presented by
members of our department.  Below is the SECOND of three.  (I have received
permission from the author to post this; I haven't talked to the others
yet.)  He attacks SDI on the basis that it will *increase* the threat of
nuclear destruction, not *decrease* it; due to time limitations, he barely
scratches the surface, and I may bring up more points later.  In the other
two papers, Kelly Gotlieb shows that the economic benefit to Canada of SDI
will be negative, while Ric Hehner suggests that, from a computer
scientist's point of view, the system has no hope of working correctly.
If you agree, I suggest that you write to the Prime Minister, with a copy
to your MP.


                     SUBMISSION TO THE LIBERAL TASK FORCE ON
                      PEACE, SECURITY AND WORLD DISARMAMENT

                                Andrew P. Gullen
                                   1985 May 30

        First, I would like to clarify part of  our  position  which  has
        been  misunderstood  by  some proponents of the Strategic Defense
        Initiative.  Much has been made of the predicted impossibility of
        things  which  have  turned out to be possible after all. Passing
        over the fact that most such predictions are  correct,  we  would
        like  to emphasize that we are not predicting that ballistic mis-
        siles  cannot  be knocked out.  Indeed, some techniques for  this
        have  been successfully demonstrated, and undoubtedly others will
        be. What we would claim, however, is that it is  not  practicable
        to  build  a  system  which can deal with 5000-plus missiles, and
        stop enough of them to be worth the financial cost  and  the  in-
        creased  risk of nuclear war. The worst of all possibles outcomes
        would be a system which is only partially effective - and this is
        what we predict.

           While exact estimates of the cost of the SDI system vary,  all
        agree that it would be very expensive, both to build and to main-
        tain. While virtually any price would be worth paying for freedom
        from the threat of nuclear war, we will argue that not only would
        the system fail to provide such protection, but that it would in-
        crease the risk of the war it was supposed to protect us from.

           Complex systems, especially computer  systems  that  must  in-
        teract  with real world, can fail in more than one way. The fami-
        liar way is failure to perform when action is needed  -  probably
        everyone  here has had a bank machine fail to operate. But anoth-
        er, opposite class of failures exists : a system can take  action
        when  none is called for.  Most of us are less familiar with this
        class of failure, but common-life examples are available. Consid-
        er  the  controversy  over the safety of air bags in automobiles.
        The question was not whether air bags saved lives in  collisions,
        for  the evidence clearly showed that they did. Instead, the con-
        cern was whether the bags could be prevented from deploying  dur-
        ing normal driving, as this would itself cause an accident.

           Exactly the same concerns apply to the strategic defense  sys-
        tem,  and  in  this  case the second class of failure is the more
        serious of the two, for it risks precipitating a course of events
        which  would  likely otherwise not happen - an accidental nuclear
        war.

           The actions undertaken by a ballistic missile  defense  system
        would  not be innocuous and purely defensive. Some proposals have
        involved: nuclear explosions in space over the Soviet Union, with
        the  unfortunate  side-effect  of  electromagnetic pulse; massive
        rocket launches from submarines off the Soviet coast; huge swarms
        of  small interceptor vehicles being launched over the Soviet Un-
        ion; and massive microwave irradiation of large parts of the  So-
        viet  Union.  All  approaches,  to  attack  the missiles in boost
        phase, will require offensive action in Soviet airspace,  because
        this is where the missiles will be.

           Furthermore, the ballistic missile  defense  system  would  be
        tied  into the larger American system, and its false alerts would
        add to the nearly one-per-day rate of false  alerts  that  system
        suffers  at present. Even worse, the activity and false alerts of
        the American system cannot be hidden from the Soviets,  who  must
        take precautionary steps of their own, thus reinforcing the Amer-
        ican alert. As Paul Bracken writes in "Command and Control of Nu-
        clear Forces",

           "... a threatening Soviet military action or alert  can  be
           detected  almost immediately by American warning and intel-
           ligence systems  and  conveyed  to  force  commanders.  The
           detected  action may not have clear meaning, but because of
           its possible consequences protective measures must be taken
           against it. The action-reaction process does not necessari-
           ly stop after two moves, however. It can  proceed  to  many
           moves and can, and often does, extend from sea-based forces
           to air- and land-based forces  because  of  the  effect  of
           tight  coupling.  In  certain political and military situa-
           tions, this action-reaction process can be described  as  a
           cat-and-mouse game of maneuvering for geographical and tac-
           tical position.... The possibility exists that each  side's
           warning  and  intelligence  systems could interact with the
           other's in unusual or complicated ways that  are  unantici-
           pated,  to  produce  a  mutually  reinforcing alert. Unfor-
           tunately, this is not a new  phenomenon;  it  is  precisely
           what happened in Europe in 1914. What *is* new is the tech-
           nology, and the speed with which it could happen.

        The ballistic missile defense system forces a  drastic  reduction
        in  the  decision  times  available to the two sides. All parties
        agree that effective ballistic missile defense rests on effective
        interception  of  missiles  during  boost  phase, when the rocket
        boosters may be attacked and before the number of targets expands
        due to MIRVing and release of decoys.  Unfortunately, boost phase
        lasts at most 300 seconds, and for proposed missiles such as  the
        U.S.  Midgetman  will  only  last 40-50 seconds.  We have already
        seen reductions in decision time: from several hours  for  manned
        bomber attack, to 30 minutes for ICBM attack, and to 5-10 minutes
        given forward-based weapons such as  submarine-launched  missiles
        and  the  Pershing.  With  SDI,  we are looking at decision times
        measured in seconds. This is far too fast for consideration,  too
        fast  for consultation, and in fact too fast for human judgement.
        Computer decision making has been proposed as a replacement,  but
        this is unsatisfactory, as Professor Hehner will show.

           The Soviets must react quickly to the American alert.  If  the
        possibility  exists that the American SDI system would be able to
        stop a ragged, greatly weakened Soviet retaliatory attack, and if
        the  Americans have deployed accurate, silo-killing missiles such
        as the Trident D-II, the Pershing II and the MX, the Soviets must
        take  into account that any activation of the American system may
        presage a pre-emptive strike. They are then forced to take  their
        forces to a high-alert, launch-on-warning status, for once an at-
        tack strikes, they may be powerless to retaliate.

           This speedup in  events  is  intrinsic  to  any  forward-based
        force, whether defensive, offensive or both.

           Yet more problems: while missiles are many and  unpredictable,
        satellites  are few, fragile and move in predictable orbits. They
        are thus easy targets for the SDI weapons, which would  serve  as
        effective  and very fast anti-satellite weapons. With their sens-
        ing, communications  and  ballistic  missile  defense  satellites
        under the threat of sudden destruction in a crisis, the forces of
        both sides would be under more  pressure  to  take  precautionary
        moves, even to the extent of pre-emption.

           The SDI system would not be the first such strategic  blunder.
        The  MIRVing  of  missiles  in the 1970's made it possible for an
        enemy to knock out a number of one's own warheads with  just  one
        of theirs. In fact, with the MIRV ratios in use, an enemy can as-
        sign two or three warheads to each silo, raising the kill  proba-
        bility,  while  reserving most of his force for ensuing blackmail
        (at least this  is  what  goes  on  in  the  minds  of  strategic
        planners).  Thus MIRVing has led directly to today's first-strike
        worries, for with rough parity in  single-warhead  missiles,  one
        cannot  reliably  knock out one's opponent's forces and have any-
        thing left over.

           In conclusion: the SDI systems, by  wrongly  taking  dangerous
        actions,  by  reducing  decision  times  and  by  forcing certain
        courses of action,  will  increase  the  danger  of  nuclear  war
        without sufficiently protecting us from it.
-- 

John Hogg
Computer Systems Research Institute, UofT
{allegra,cornell,decvax,ihnp4,linus,utzoo}!utcsri!hogg

henry@utzoo.UUCP (Henry Spencer) (06/19/85)

While I agree with many of the points raised in the paper John posted,
I must dispute one of them.

>           Yet more problems: while missiles are many and  unpredictable,
>        satellites  are few, fragile and move in predictable orbits.

Given a tiny fraction of the money that some people claim SDI "would have
to cost", we can build space-launch systems that will vastly reduce the
cost of Earth-to-orbit transport.  We can also, again with off-the-shelf
technology and relatively modest capital investments, import lunar or
asteroidal materials at lower cost than launching them from Earth.  Given
these developments, satellites can be numerous, and armored or maneuverable.
(And a major SDI system can be far cheaper than many of its opponents claim
it "must be", since launch costs usually dominate such estimates.)

I would also observe that the dangerously-provocative nature of the
actions needed to ready some types of SDI systems for action is an
argument against those specific types of system, not against all SDI
systems.  Including this under "why SDI is a bad thing" is misleading
advertising, to say the least.	[This does not invalidate the more general
point that chain-reaction readiness increases are dangerous.]
-- 
				Henry Spencer @ U of Toronto Zoology
				{allegra,ihnp4,linus,decvax}!utzoo!henry

hogg@utcsri.UUCP (John Hogg) (06/19/85)

Posted: Tue Jun 18 19:14:50 1985
Date-Received: 19 Jun 85 00:28:56 GMT
References: <1186@utcsri.UUCP>
Organization: U of Toronto Zoology
Lines: 24

Henry Spencer disputed the claim made in Andrew Gullen's SDI paper that
>     while missiles are many and  unpredictable,
>     satellites  are few, fragile and move in predictable orbits.
He argues that much better space-launch systems will be built as a result
of SDI, and therefore, "...satellites can be numerous, and armoured or
maneuverable."

	Satellites will still be undefendable, however.  No foreseeeable
technology will allow them to maneuver constantly; this means that they
can be sniped at for as long as the "other side" pleases.  Missiles have to
be protected for a small number of minutes, or even seconds.  Satellites
will be comparatively few, regardless of advances in space technology.  This,
by the way, is the single good point that I can see to SDI: it will force the
US to spend more on space research, however inefficiently.

Another claim of Henry's is that "the dangerously-provocative nature of the
actions needed to ready some types of SDI systems for action is an
argument against those specific types of system, not against all SDI
systems."  True; however, SDI proponents are seriously proposing such
idiotic concepts as pop-up X-ray lasers, and until they come up with a less
chameleon-like description of their program, I'll attack whatever they put
forward.

Regardless of how effective SDI actually is, it will be "dangerously
provocative" to the extent that the Soviets will (by standard military
practice) be forced to assume that it will live up to its billing: it will
be able to knock out *most* of a full-scale strike, and *all* of a
retaliatory strike.  Thus, their threat will be totally neutralized if they
wait out a first strike, and they will be forced into launch-on-warning.
The US warning system is clearly imperfect, to put it politely; the USSR
trusts theirs so little that, due to their current structure, they
basically *can't* launch-on-warning.  (Reference on request.)  Would you
like them to try for that capability?  There are geese in the Soviet Union,
too...
-- 

John Hogg
Computer Systems Research Institute, UofT
{allegra,cornell,decvax,ihnp4,linus,utzoo}!utcsri!hogg

jchapman@watcgl.UUCP (john chapman) (06/24/85)

.
.
.
> 
> I would also observe that the dangerously-provocative nature of the
> actions needed to ready some types of SDI systems for action is an
> argument against those specific types of system, not against all SDI
> systems.  Including this under "why SDI is a bad thing" is misleading
> advertising, to say the least.	[This does not invalidate the more general
> point that chain-reaction readiness increases are dangerous.]
> -- 
> 				Henry Spencer @ U of Toronto Zoology
> 				{allegra,ihnp4,linus,decvax}!utzoo!henry
It seems to me that the destabilising component is one of generating
a situation where one side believes the other may be able to launch
a strike with relative impunity.  Any SDI will create this problem
unless both sides could simultaneously deploy equally effective systems
*and* beleive that "their" system is as good as the other's.  Neither
of these conditions seems very likely.

jimomura@lsuc.UUCP (Jim Omura) (06/25/85)

     This response isn't really about SDI.  I'm starting to get worried
about the negative attitude to research which might be labelled SDI
related.  At this time, I'm trying to remain fairly open minded to SDI
arguments on both sides.  Generally I'm not in favour of taking part,
for a number of reasons that have been batted around here and in the
press (nothing original--sorry), but I'm concerned that many people are
going to do a remake of the 'Commie Scare' of the McCarthy era (and the
'Yellow Terror' of pre-war North America), but against high tech
research generally.  It seems to me that a lot of legitimate research
may suffer because people are going to make their decisions more on the
basis of 'is this SDI or isn't it' than 'is this a good project or
isn't it'?

     Is there any such thing as research which *can't* contribute to
SDI?  How close are the projects of those of you who are arguing most
vigorously against it?  If it has *anything* to do with computers, then
I submit that it will probably be beneficial to SDI (sure, I'm talking
about indirect benefit, but it's a lot closer than doing research on
growing better carrots).
 
     Is this negativism I feel around here real or am I worried about
nothing?
 
                                        Jim O.

-- 
James Omura, Barrister & Solicitor, Toronto
ihnp4!utzoo!lsuc!jimomura