[net.politics] Corrupting youth con't

crm@duke.UUCP (Charlie Martin) (10/24/84)

Well, I didn't mean to get into a flaming contest, but what-the-hell...
I never have figured out how to do the fancy indent tricks everyone else
uses, so I'll just try and make my replies clear...

	( from Ron Rizzo's reply (he said alliterately))
	
Charlie Martin says:

> 1) no matter WHO funded them, and no matter WHAT they're saying
>    these newpapers have the right to publish ANYTHING THEY DAMNED
>    WELL PLEASE!

Says who?  Jefferson, Paine, Mill ("On Liberty"), the Federalist Papers,
(small "l") libertarians, the Constitution, the US Code?  
	... Says me. (:-))
	Seriously, says the US Constitution. Also, see some of the
	original defense and arguments involved in the Alien & Sedition
	Acts (or similar name) which were one of the first Supreme Court
	tests of the 1st Amendment.
	... don't see the US Code -- it's full of violations of this
	principal.  Just 'cause it's a law doesn't make it right.

Newspapers have no "right" to libel or slander,
	... The Supreme Court has held otherwise -- specifically,
	newspapers (and other press) have the right to publish anything,
	but may be liable for damages caused by publishing false
	information.  That is, the Daily Planetoid may publish something
	that I believe is damaging -- say that I am a "Mondale Liberal",
	which is becoming a favorite slur against Democrats around here
	-- and I cannot prevent it.  However, if I lose my job because
	of it, and can prove it isn't true, they are liable for my
	damages.
	... Interestingly, even this rule is weakened in the case of
	public figures.  There, not only must the information be untrue,
	but the intent of the publication MUST BE TO CAUSE DAMAGE.  This
	rule is the center of the Westmoreland case.
	... Unfortunately, this rule is not held to in the case of National
	Security Information.  I see this as an aberration that I hope is
	temporary.

or to publish evidence 
	... what evidence?  Evidence is presented in court, during a
	trial or hearing.  (Small semantic quibble).

illegally obtained by wiretapping (a felony), or fraud -- 
	... well, the particular case that I was talking about involved
	no wiretapping, so I won't even cover the "felony" straw-man in
	this sentance.
	... in any case, they DO have the right to publish.  They may be
	prosecuted for the fraud, but they can't be prosecuted for the
	fact of publication.

impersonating a lesbian (no sniggering, please) & breaking an implicit 
promise 
	... where do you intend a person to be certified a "real"
	lesbian?  This was apparently a "public" meeting -- must one
	have permission to attend?  Whose permission?  What if, rather
	than taping the meeting, the reporter had only used notes?
	... by going onto the net, you've broken an implicit promise
	never to disagree with me.  Who decides?  I don't at all like
	this "implicit promise" idea.

of confidentiality (thus, invasion of privacy as well, a misdemeanor).
	... if I had some reason to believe that there were an EXPLICIT
	promise of confidentiality, I might almost agree with you.  In
	any case, the press has before and continues to violate EXPLICIT
	promises of confidentiality for the sake of a sensational story
	-- consider the "bombing Russia in five minutes" business.  In
	that case, there was an existing (and to that moment honored)
	agreement that anything said before the adresses began was off-
	the-record.  If "off-the-record" means anything at all, it
	implies confidentiality.  Were those reporters arrested or
	charged?

>  2) the reporterial (sp?) tactics you mention (concealed tapes 
>     -- consider "60 Minute's" concealed cameras) have been used at 
>    some length by liberal (statist-on-the-left) press, and I've
>    not heard of any trials against them...

To my knowledge, only rightwing groups, including quite a few campus
tabloids, have indulged in political or journalistic "dirty tricks"
that repeatedly, even insistently, involved persecution (that, simply,
is what it amounts to) of minorities already facing discrimination &
prejudice.  
	... You're wrong.  If you look for evidence, you can find it
	yourself, but I'll put out a couple examples.
	... Example 1: Dick Tuck vs. the Repulicans
	Dick Tuck, a famous "campaign trickster" -- so famous that his
	name no longer gets capital letters in some dictionaries --
	became well known for such things as making hotel reservations
	and speaking arrangements for Republican candidates in towns
	without letting the candidate's staff know.  (Fraud, no?)
	The perfect source on these things would be an article that
	Tuck himself wrote, in which he took a high moral tone and
	asserted that a Nixon person had suggested that Tuck had started
	the watergate thing.  He of course disagreed, and mentioned a
	number of these sorts of pranks, claiming that they were not
	that same sort of thing.
	... Example 2:  The very incident we are talking about, in which it
	has been suggested that a certain newspaper be suppressed or
	harrassed by legal action for taking a position far to the right.
	Show me the essential difference between this and the attempt to
	suppress the Pentagon Papers.
	(Aside:  I believe that the publication of the Pentagon Papers was
	completely within the rights of those involved.  Ellsberg may have
	completely dishonored himself by doing so, and should have been
	convicted of theft (to which he adimitted) but the publication
	itself should be inviolate.)

It's not "dirty politics as usual", but involves civil
rights and other violations (see above).  It's targeted at specific
groups or individuals with little power or status, unlike military
brass (Al Haig), or politicians (Democrats).  It's not "politics/
journalism" of any kind, but criminal conduct enhanced by bigotry.
	... This whole paragraph is morally reprehensible.  individuals
	with "power or status" have the same civil rights as others.
	Dirty politics usually involves violation of civil
	rights anyway, and is equally reprehensible whether done by
	people on the right or on the left.

Dartmouth is one of the most conservative schools in the ivy league;
the ivy league has never been exactly a "hotbed" of liberalism.  (The
word "liberal" seems to have lost all content.)  Both Democrats & Re-
publicans, liberals & conservatives, at Dartmouth were apalled by the 
Review's antics.
	... So what?  I didn't ask if they were apalling.  I like apalling
	newspapers anyway.  That the paper apalled people has not a small
	little bit to do with whether they may exercize their rights or
	not.
	... I agree that "liberal" has lost its meaning -- that is why I
	qualified the word with the parenthesis.
	... I persist in the belief that, no matter what their "antics",
	they have the absolute right to publish a paper based on their
	beliefs.
	... A number of people were "apalled" by the Washington Post's
	"antics" at the beginning of watergate -- should they have been
	supressed or harassed with lawsuits?

> 3) Anyone on the net advocating ANY form of censorship or punishment
>    or harassment (a class-action suit sounds pretty close to that,
>    no?) should --
>    a) get someone to post them the hassles Tim Moroney had with
>       net censors, and
>    b) remember that, if you can do it to them, they can do it to
>       you.

Cutting off external funding (& maybe services, too) isn't censorship
	... maybe not -- I'm not sure I know really what "censorship"
	means any more than I know what "liberal" means. (I always
	thought I was a real liberal, and that Mondale and Reagan were
	both breeds of conservative.) In any case, whether or not it is
	censorship, it IS pretty clearly harrassment and/or punishment
	for their beliefs.

(tho' maybe it's ill-conceived: as one respondent pointed out, should
campus ski clubs be denied free equipment from manufacturers, etc?  &
don't schools depend in many ways on donations?).  
	... should external advertisements be cut off too?  We've all
	heard about the power some advertizers have exerted over the
	papers in which they advertize.
	... in any case, ISN'T cutting off external funding BECAUSE OF
	THE POLITICAL VIEWS EXPRESSED BY THE PEOPLE PROVIDING THE
	FUNDING OR BECAUSE THESE VIEWS ARE SHARED IN THE EDITORIAL
	MATTER OF THE PUBLICATION a form of censorship?  Would you
	advocate that the ACLU not be allowed to fund a school paper
	based on the ACLU's positions (assuming the ACLU had the money)?
	If a private school has a divinity school (as does Duke -- and
	Dartmouth too, I think), should the divinity school be forbidden
	to accept money from a church for the support of the schoool, or
	for support of a newspaper if they choose to publish one?

The tabloids are
approved student publications, getting funding from student activities
budgets as well.  
	... then the students should organize and vote to cut this
	funding, if they object.  Its their money. (not yours and not
	mine, and certainly not to be controlled or modified by our
	wishes.)  How did the money get allocated in the first place,
	if they are such rotten SOBs?
	... Approved by whom?

They also borrow the prestige, & sometimes the name
(DARTMOUTH Review), of the school itself.  They're part of the university
and fall under its rules & regulations, which proscribe criminal conduct.
	... attempting to remove from them their civil rights is itself
	criminal conduct.  Should the people trying to silence them be
	expelled?
	... The Supreme Court has held a number of times that a school
	may not modify the content of a school paper, citing the 1st
	amendment.

Perhaps this ought to affect how they put out their papers, if not what they
express in them.  So what?  A cutoff of external funding for student publi-
cations would mean they could either go offcampus, retaining access to &
distribution on campus, typically like many external publications, and
having no administration except the cops & courts to deal with, or they
could be content with their campus funding & the administration's presence,
and compete on an equal footing with other student publications.
	... I don't believe in any campus-fee-supported paper very
	strongly, so I could care less about the cutting off of external
	funding itself.  My objection was to the idea that the external
	funding should be cut off because the political beliefs
	expressed don't agree with someone else's and that there was
	some justification for this cutting off in some mentioned
	"unethical" behaviour on the part of the particular paper.
	However, the proposal wasn't that THIS paper should not be
	supported by DARTMOUTH, but that ALL these papers should be
	harassed in a class-action suit.

(All that follows is mine...)

This whole article has centered around one difference of opinion: does
there ever exist a time when it is proper for one person or group of
people to suppress the free expression of the ideas of another person or
group of people?  In addition, there is a secondary theme:  what may a
reporter do to collect a story?

As far as the secondary theme goes, I don't think that any of the
arguments presented have any merit.  Contrary to the assertion above,
there have been many attempts by those on the "left" to suppress the
beliefs of those on the "right", including dirty tricks and political
harrassment.  In fact, I think that the very suggestion that started
this is a clear example.

Certainly, that a person being harrassed has power or influence does not
change the morality of the harrassment.  (if you believe otherwise, it
reveals an axiomatic difference which I cannot argue, or an irregularity
in your thinking.)  But in our system as described by the constitution,
I believe that "what is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander" and
tactics which are accepted by liberals for liberal newspapers must be
accepted by liberals for conservative newspapers.

The primary difference of opinion I think is more important.  Does
anyone have the right to suppress the publication of ideas solely for
the reason that they don't agree with those ideas?

I think not.  They have the right not to read the publication, to try to
convince others not to read it, or to try to avoid having to pay for the
publication (viz. student fee cutoffs), but they do not have the right
to attempt to prevent those views being aired.  That is what the
original suggestion entailed, and is the point to which I strongly
object.

"...I have sworn eternal hostility to all forms of tyranny over the mind
of man."


                        I am not a Conservative! I am a free man!

                                Charlie Martin
                                (...mcnc!duke!crm)
-- 


			I am not a Conservative! I am a free man!

				Charlie Martin
				(...mcnc!duke!crm)

rrizzo@bbncca.ARPA (Ron Rizzo) (10/25/84)

I don't have time to reply at length until after Nov. 6, but one thing
I'd like to point out is that Charlie Martin claims the (far) right isn't
unique in employing "dirty tricks" against minorities, not merely other
politicians, and proceeds to offer examples illustrating only political
crimes by those left-of-center against other politicians.  He seems
determined to downplay or even ignore the especially virulent methods of
the Dartmouth Review.

One more thing:  most (probably all) of these rags are "approved", certi-
fied, or whatever term you prefer, student publications.  Perhaps those
"SOBs" (Charlie's term) have an interest in free expression stronger even
than Charlie Martin's.  Why didn't the school administrations, student
bodies, aggrieved parties, etc. succeed in cutting their campus funding?
Oddly enough, every lawsuit or other legal action (eg, a request for
criminal prosecution for wiretap violations) initiated against the Review
has failed.  Dartmouth College couldn't even force the tabloid to relinquish
the word "Dartmouth" in its title.

Maybe the issues & how they can be dealt with are not so clear or easy
as Charlie's libertarian (small l or big L?) flailing would make them
appear to be?

					"Give me slavery or give me death!"

					Ron Rizzo

rrizzo@bbncca.ARPA (Ron Rizzo) (10/25/84)

[followup of Charlie Martin again]

Well, I 've found the time...

"Uncle!"

Seriously, I grant all of Charlie's points about newspapers etc.
having the right to publication itself of anything (except "atomic
secrets", etc.?  But it isn't clear that "national security" has
any standing in the face of the Constitution).  His first message
seemed to me to say "don't tamper with the press", including taking
a very dim view of challenging what's been printed (via fraud or
libel laws).  So I emphasized the (yet-to-be-legally-proved) crimi-
nality/illegality of Dartmouth Review methods.

My original article had a number of aims:

1) Raise ethical issues;
2) Raise legal issues;
3) Expose a campus "danger on the right" & emphasize HOW noxious
   their methods were.
4) Shake New Right complacency by raising the specter of class action
   suits (maybe that wasn't cricket on my part).  But unless the
   BOSTON PHOENIX article is wildly inaccurate, targets of papers
   like the Review DO have legitimate legal recourse.

If I didn't make clear when I intended to raise a point of law,
or of information, or simply criticize Review conduct, the fault
is mine.  But Charlie was a little impetuous in considering nearly
all I said as raising points of law.

For example, I stressed the uniqueness of the Review's use of "dirty
tricks" toward the relatively powerless not in order to imply that
those lacking in "power or status" should have "more rights" than the
prominent & powerful (ie, not to make a legal point), but simply to
illustrate just HOW nasty these creeps (tabloid staffers) are.

Ditto for my remarks about "liberals" & unliberal Dartmouth: Charlie's
first message sounded in part like "you're just mouthing liberal sour
grapes!"

As to the wiretapped gay students organization, I don't know for
a fact that it was a "public" meeting.  Neither Charlie nor I
seem to know whether legal "invasion of privacy" hinges on this
for sure.  If it does, then the criticism is demoted (?) from
a legal to a moral one:  it's one thing to say the pseudo-lesbian
had a right to write what she did, and another that it was ethically
OK.

I advocated cutting off tabloid funding because of their pattern
of (unproven-in-a-court-of-law) legal offenses, not out of censorship.
True, losing funds would handicap them somewhat; & I'm opposed to their
political views.  Charlie's discussion of this rests on his sense that
I'm trying to supress rightwingers' freedom of speech; maybe he should
forego this, in the interests of dealing only with explicit matters.

So, I accept Charlie's general points about the law; but I think he
overreacted.  I also think he's somewhat callous ethically (as I am
dense legally?), & tends toward thinking that if something isn't a 
matter of law, it has little moral relevance.

I'm still interested in hearing about the antics of & lawsuits against
campus tabloids.  Maybe we should continue this only in net.politics
(what happened to net.law?), and/or by personal mail.

					"Give me...?....a break!"

					Ron Rizzo

gtaylor@lasspvax.UUCP (Greg Taylor) (10/26/84)

Okay, here's one: When the student agency that holds the purse strings here
decided to go after the funding for the Cornell Review (similar in tone to
the DReview, but not nearly as interesting sounding), one of the students on
the board called up to think tank place that does the startup capital and
told them he was the "business manager" of the paper. He proceeded to try
to see if they could get their funding run past the startup period (turns
out that the place wasn't in the habit of doing so, although the guy from
student agencies certainly would have had a good case for cutting the 
funding if they *had* been willing). The guy at the foundation got suspicious,
called the "real" people from the paper, and the crusading young man wound
up looking like a real toad. He didn't even get so much as a slap on the
wrist for his behaviour.

I find the Review itself a waste of time, but all the self-righteous
caterwauling about the threats and dirty trick from the right sure holds
less sway now. If anything, it was a shot in the arm for the Review people-who
had this really nifty "orthodoxy of the Left" rap about life at Cornell.

Do you *really* believe that extremism in the defense of <enter your cause>
is no vice? Seems to me that the whole business winds up looking like the
exchange of flames on the net at precisely the moment you start restricting
stuff. You will *become* what you most despise unless you're *very* wise.

crm@duke.UUCP (Charlie Martin) (10/29/84)

If none of the attempts to prosecute the Dartmouth Review have
succeeded, maybe it's because DR didn't commit a crime?
-- 


			Can you say "classical fallacy?"
			Good! I *knew* you could.

				Charlie Martin
				(...mcnc!duke!crm)

crm@duke.UUCP (Charlie Martin) (10/29/84)

Surprize.  To a large extent, I agree with Ron Rizzo in this
posting at least.  I hope that won't prevent us from being able
to argue a little ( no :-) -- I'm serious.  Love a good agrument
(in the technical sense of the word.))

In fact, I don't believe that I have enough information about what
happened to make an argument about the ethical or moral points
of the GSA thing.  In fact, I simply haven't the time to research
it.

My reaction was, true enough, only to the points about freedom
of the press, but don't make the mistake that I was makeing a
merely legal argument.  I feel that freedom of the press is 
an essentially moral or ethical issue, and was responding to
what I felt was an essentially unethical argument.

Also, I didn't research attempts by liberals to supress or
silence conservatives, but if you think it doesn't happen,
try being the only conservative Deist in a liberal behaviourist
philosophy department.  Or try reading a Playboy magazine in
public in Boulder CO -- where an acquaintance had one torn from
his hands and ripped up by a women who then proceeded to tell him
that people who would read something like that should be shot.

No more time for this, more later; but a question:  have you
actually *looked for* examples of anti-conservative action?

Also -- where on National Review's masthead does it say " The
National Agitprop Organ of the Buckley Family" -- I can't find it.
-- 


			Can you say "classical fallacy?"
			Good! I *knew* you could.

				Charlie Martin
				(...mcnc!duke!crm)

mmt@dciem.UUCP (Martin Taylor) (11/01/84)

===============
Also, I didn't research attempts by liberals to supress or
silence conservatives, but if you think it doesn't happen,
 ... Or try reading a Playboy magazine in
public in Boulder CO -- where an acquaintance had one torn from
his hands and ripped up by a women who then proceeded to tell him
that people who would read something like that should be shot.
                                Charlie Martin
===============
This is liberals suppressing or silencing conservatives?
Was the liberal the reader of Playboy or the decidedly illiberal woman?
-- 

Martin Taylor
{allegra,linus,ihnp4,floyd,ubc-vision}!utzoo!dciem!mmt
{uw-beaver,qucis,watmath}!utcsrgv!dciem!mmt

mikevp@proper.UUCP (Mike Van Pelt) (11/01/84)

In article <> crm@duke.UUCP (Charlie Martin) writes:
>If none of the attempts to prosecute the Dartmouth Review have
>succeeded, maybe it's because DR didn't commit a crime?

Quite correct.  It is always fascinating to me that those self-appointed
guardians of free speech on the Left  suddenly  are transformed into the
most rabid of book-burners whenever anything comes along which clashes 
with their cherished opinions.

crm@duke.UUCP (Charlie Martin) (11/05/84)

Boy oh boy, do I know what you mean.

I *still* am really offended by the way that the word
*liberal* has been pre-empted....
-- 


			Can you say "classical fallacy?"
			Good! I *knew* you could.

				Charlie Martin
				(...mcnc!duke!crm)

jhull@spp2.UUCP (11/06/84)

> So, I accept Charlie's general points about the law; but I think he
> overreacted.  I also think he's somewhat callous ethically (as I am
> dense legally?), & tends toward thinking that if something isn't a 
> matter of law, it has little moral relevance.
> 
> 
> 					Ron Rizzo
As an otherwise uninvolved observer, I think Ron Rizzo also
overreacted.  Furthermore, I think that, having stated a position, Mr.
Rizzo is unwilling to admit that he was wrong.  

The ethics of the situation depend almost entirely on whether or not 
the meeting was public.  If it was, then anything said at the meeting,
including the names of all attendees, is a legally and ethically a
matter of public record and anybody has the right to use that
information in any way not specifically prohibited by law.  If the
meeting was a private meeting, then the ethical implications are not
so clear-cut.

Further exposition would require more knowledge of the particulars than I
have.

				Jeff Hull